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President
Arafat's Op-Ed at the New York Times
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Below
is an op-ed by Palestinian President Yasser Arafat, published
on February 3, 2002, at the The New York Times.
This is a significant event on two counts: first, because it
is the first op-ed published by President Arafat in the American
press since the start of this Intifada over 16 months ago, despite
the fact that Netanyahu, Barak, and Sharon have all been published
several times during that same period; and second because it
comes at a time when Ariel Sharon is doing the impossible to
equate Arafat with Bin Laden. Needless to say, an op-ed by Arafat
appearing in the New York Times does not bode well for Sharon's
frantic efforts.
Wherever our personal politics in this matter lie, it is absolutely
critical that all supporters of Palestinian rights mobilize
in a show of support for the points that will be expressed in
President Arafat's piece (see summary below).
Let's show the New York Times how many Americans are out there
who support a just peace based on equal rights for Palestinians
and Israelis.
ACTION REQUESTED:
The following tools have been developed by Palestine Media Watch to
make your job of responding to the media as effortless as possible:
E-MAIL YOUR LETTER ONLINE at the interface below:
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OR CALL:
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SUMMARY OF PRESIDENT ARAFAT'S OP-ED IN THE NEW YORK TIMES.
In the op-ed piece, President Arafat:
* Condemns terrorism: "I condemn terrorism. I condemn the killing of
innocent civilians, whether they be Israeli, American or Palestinian,
whether they be killed by Palestinian extremists, Israeli settlers, or
by the Israeli government."
* Reiterates condemnation of attacks against Israeli civilians and
indicates that he is determined to put an end to attacks against Israeli
civilians.
* Sets out his vision for peace:
- Independent and viable Palestinian state on the 1967 borders;
- Security for Israeli and Palestinian peoples;
- Just solution for Palestinian refugees;
- The right of return but indicates that the implementation of the
right will take into account Israels demographic concerns;
- Warm peace with close economic and social cooperation; and
- Jerusalem as one open city that is the capital of two states, Israel
and Palestine;
* Stresses that, "Peace is not a signed agreement between individuals -
it is reconciliation between peoples."
* Stresses that when Israel sees the Palestinians as equals, peace will
be attainable;
* Stresses the need to end the occupation; and
* Stresses that Palestinians are prepared to negotiate.
POSSIBLE CRITICISMS AND POSSIBLE RESPONSES
1. CRITICISM:
President Arafat claims to condemn terrorism and to put an end to it, so why
isnt he doing more?
RESPONSE:
President Arafat is exerting a 100% effort (as required by the Mitchell Report)
to combat terrorism. He has:
- Called for a cease-fire on December 16, 2001;
- Outlawed paramilitary organizations;
- Closed offices of Hamas and Jihad; and
- Ended financial transfers to Hamas and Jihad;
- Arrested 260 individuals suspected of violating the cease-fire,
including those listed by Israel and the US.
The PA only controls 17.2% of the West Bank (divided into 13 separate
areas).
Israel has set up obstacles to President Arafats efforts:
- Closed Palestinian towns and villages making it impossible for PA security
forces to move from one Area A to the next;
- Bombed every police station in the West Bank;
- Bombed Palestinian towns and destroyed Palestinian infrastructure such as
the airport in Gaza and radio services in the West Bank;
- Assassinated 83 political activists and killed over 1000 Palestinians;
- Reoccupied Areas A (and continues to do so);
- Not prosecuted any settlers for attacking Palestinians (there have
been 54 attacks against Palestinians since the December cease-fire) or
IDF soldiers who have killed and injured Palestinians;
- Expanded settlements and build new settlements;
- Demolished homes, including 60 homes in Rafah; and
- Not approved the implementation of the Mitchell Report in its
entirety.
2. CRITICISM:
What about the Karine-A ship?
RESPONSE:
President Arafat has:
- Formed an investigation committee to determine whether the shipment
was headed to the PA, and has asked the US, the EU, Russia and Israel to
participate in the investigation. All have refused to co-operate;
- Ordered the arrest of 3 PA officials suspected of being involved in
the shipment: Brigadier-General Fuad Shubaki; Adel Mughrabi and Fathi
Razem;
- Ordered the arrest of 2 members of the Palestinian naval force; and
- Fired Fuad Shubaki and Fathi Razem from their PA positions.
Israel and the US have refused to present any evidence to the PA that:
- The shipment was headed to the PA; and
- President Arafat was involved.
3. CRITICISM:
Isnt Arafat trying to destroy Israel through the right of return?
RESPONSE:
While the piece emphasizes that there is a right of return (as guaranteed under
international law), President Arafat states that the implementation of the
right of return will take into account Israels demographic concerns; and
The interests of both Israel and Palestinians can be reconciled through
empowering refugees by providing them with choices: resettlement,
moving to the Palestinian state, moving to third countries and return to Israel.
The implementation of each of these choices will take into account each
countrys demographic concerns.
4. CRITICISM:
Arafat has to compromise and the Camp David offer was a compromise.
RESPONSE:
A 78-22 division of historic Palestine is a more than adequate
compromise.
For more information, see the PLOs Frequently Asked Questions on Camp
David at http://www.nad-plo.org/eye/news38.html
5. CRITICISM:
This is what Arafat says to Americans, but what is he saying to his own
people?
RESPONSE:
The piece is available to the Palestinian and Israeli press, who will
undoubtedly translate the piece and republish it in parts or in its
entirety.
The only official version is the English version because the piece was
drafted for the NY Times. There are no official translations into
other languages due to the growing tendency to focus on perceived differences
in translations.
The statements contained in the piece reflect past statements by President Arafat.
Fill your
personal information, add your comments, and then click send.
Your letter will be sent to all the interested parties at the
New York Times. Your email will be sent to:
letters@nytimes.com
, andyr@nytimes.com , hraines@nytimes.com , safire@nytimes.com
, friedman@nytimes.com , nytnews@nyt.com
Palestine
Media Watch http://www.pmwatch.org
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February 3, 2002
The Palestinian Vision of Peace
By YASIR ARAFAT
RAMALLAH For the past 16 months, Israelis and Palestinians have been locked in a
catastrophic cycle of violence, a cycle which only promises more bloodshed and fear.
The cycle has led many to conclude that peace is impossible, a myth borne out of
ignorance of the Palestinian position. Now is the time for the Palestinians to state
clearly, and for the world to hear clearly, the Palestinian vision.
But first, let me be very clear. I condemn the attacks carried out by terrorist groups
against Israeli civilians. These groups do not represent the Palestinian people or their
legitimate aspirations for freedom. They are terrorist organizations, and I am determined
to put an end to their activities.
The Palestinian vision of peace is an independent and viable Palestinian state on the
territories occupied by Israel in 1967, living as an equal neighbor alongside Israel with
peace and security for both the Israeli and Palestinian peoples. In 1988, the Palestine
National Council adopted a historic resolution calling for the implementation of applicable
United Nations resolutions, particularly, Resolutions 242 and 338. The Palestinians
recognized Israel's right to exist on 78 percent of historical Palestine with the
understanding that we would be allowed to live in freedom on the remaining 22 percent,
which has been under Israeli occupation since 1967. Our commitment to that two-state
solution remains unchanged, but unfortunately, also remains unreciprocated.
We seek true independence and full sovereignty: the right to control our own airspace,
water resources and borders; to develop our own economy, to have normal commercial
relations with our neighbors, and to travel freely. In short, we seek only what the free
world now enjoys and only what Israel insists on for itself: the right to control our own
destiny and to take our place among free nations.
In addition, we seek a fair and just solution to the plight of Palestinian refugees who
for 54 years have not been permitted to return to their homes. We understand Israel's
demographic concerns and understand that the right of return of Palestinian refugees, a
right guaranteed under international law and United Nations Resolution 194, must be
implemented in a way that takes into account such concerns. However, just as we
Palestinians must be realistic with respect to Israel's demographic desires, Israelis too
must be realistic in understanding that there can be no solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict if the legitimate rights of these innocent civilians continue to be ignored. Left
unresolved, the refugee issue has the potential to undermine any permanent peace agreement
between Palestinians and Israelis. How is a Palestinian refugee to understand that his or
her right of return will not be honored but those of Kosovar Albanians, Afghans and East
Timorese have been?
There are those who claim that I am not a partner in peace. In response, I say Israel's
peace partner is, and always has been, the Palestinian people. Peace is not a signed
agreement between individuals it is reconciliation between peoples. Two peoples cannot
reconcile when one demands control over the other, when one refuses to treat the other as a
partner in peace, when one uses the logic of power rather than the power of logic. Israel
has yet to understand that it cannot have peace while denying justice. As long as the
occupation of Palestinian lands continues, as long as Palestinians are denied freedom, then
the path to the "peace of the brave" that I embarked upon with my late partner Yitzhak
Rabin, will be littered with obstacles.
The Palestinian people have been denied their freedom for far too long and are the only
people in the world still living under foreign occupation. How is it possible that the
entire world can tolerate this oppression, discrimination and humiliation? The 1993 Oslo
Accord, signed on the White House lawn, promised the Palestinians freedom by May 1999.
Instead, since 1993, the Palestinian people have endured a doubling of Israeli settlers,
expansion of illegal Israeli settlements on Palestinian land and increased restrictions on
freedom of movement. How do I convince my people that Israel is serious about peace while
over the past decade Israel intensified the colonization of Palestinian land from which it
was ostensibly negotiating a withdrawal?
But no degree of oppression and no level of desperation can ever justify the killing of
innocent civilians. I condemn terrorism. I condemn the killing of innocent civilians,
whether they are Israeli, American or Palestinian; whether they are killed by Palestinian
extremists, Israeli settlers, or by the Israeli government. But condemnations do not stop
terrorism. To stop terrorism, we must understand that terrorism is simply the symptom, not
the disease.
The personal attacks on me currently in vogue may be highly effective in giving Israelis
an excuse to ignore their own role in creating the current situation. But these attacks do
little to move the peace process forward and, in fact, are not designed to. Many believe
that Ariel Sharon, Israel's prime minister, given his opposition to every peace treaty
Israel has ever signed, is fanning the flames of unrest in an effort to delay indefinitely
a return to negotiations. Regrettably, he has done little to prove them wrong. Israeli
government practices of settlement construction, home demolitions, political
assassinations, closures and shameful silence in the face of Israeli settler violence and
other daily humiliations are clearly not aimed at calming the situation.
The Palestinians have a vision of peace: it is a peace based on the complete end of the
occupation and a return to Israel's 1967 borders, the sharing of all Jerusalem as one open
city and as the capital of two states, Palestine and Israel. It is a warm peace between two
equals enjoying mutually beneficial economic and social cooperation. Despite the brutal
repression of Palestinians over the last four decades, I believe when Israel sees
Palestinians as equals, and not as a subjugated people upon whom it can impose its will,
such a vision can come true. Indeed it must.
Palestinians are ready to end the conflict. We are ready to sit down now with any Israeli
leader, regardless of his history, to negotiate freedom for the Palestinians, a complete
end of the occupation, security for Israel and creative solutions to the plight of the
refugees while respecting Israel's demographic concerns. But we will only sit down as
equals, not as supplicants; as partners, not as subjects; as seekers of a just and peaceful
solution, not as a defeated nation grateful for whatever scraps are thrown our way. For
despite Israel's overwhelming military advantage, we possess something even greater: the
power of justice.
Yasir Arafat was elected president of the Palestinian Authority in 1996 and is also
chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization.
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