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President Arafat's Op-Ed at the New York Times

Below is an op-ed by Palestinian President Yasser Arafat, published on February 3, 2002, at the The New York Times.

This is a significant event on two counts: first, because it is the first op-ed published by President Arafat in the American press since the start of this Intifada over 16 months ago, despite the fact that Netanyahu, Barak, and Sharon have all been published several times during that same period; and second because it comes at a time when Ariel Sharon is doing the impossible to equate Arafat with Bin Laden. Needless to say, an op-ed by Arafat appearing in the New York Times does not bode well for Sharon's frantic efforts.

Wherever our personal politics in this matter lie, it is absolutely critical that all supporters of Palestinian rights mobilize in a show of support for the points that will be expressed in President Arafat's piece (see summary below).

Let's show the New York Times how many Americans are out there who support a just peace based on equal rights for Palestinians and Israelis.


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==========

SUMMARY OF PRESIDENT ARAFAT'S OP-ED IN THE NEW YORK TIMES.

In the op-ed piece, President Arafat:

* Condemns terrorism:  "I condemn terrorism. I condemn the killing of 
innocent civilians, whether they be Israeli, American or Palestinian, 
whether they be killed by Palestinian extremists, Israeli settlers, or 
by the Israeli government."

* Reiterates condemnation of attacks against Israeli civilians and 
indicates that he is determined to put an end to attacks against Israeli 
civilians.

* Sets out his vision for peace:

- Independent and viable Palestinian state on the 1967 borders;
- Security for Israeli and Palestinian peoples;
- Just solution for Palestinian refugees;
- The right of return but indicates that the implementation of the 
  right will take into account Israel’s demographic concerns;
- Warm peace with close economic and social cooperation; and
- Jerusalem as one open city that is the capital of two states, Israel 
  and Palestine;

* Stresses that, "Peace is not a signed agreement between individuals - 
  it is reconciliation between peoples."

* Stresses that when Israel sees the Palestinians as equals, peace will 
  be attainable;

* Stresses the need to end the occupation; and

* Stresses that Palestinians are prepared to negotiate.


POSSIBLE CRITICISMS AND POSSIBLE RESPONSES

1. CRITICISM:

President Arafat claims to condemn terrorism and to put an end to it, so why 
isn’t he doing more?

RESPONSE:

President Arafat is exerting a “100% effort” (as required by the Mitchell Report) 
to combat terrorism.  He has:

- Called for a cease-fire on December 16, 2001;
- Outlawed paramilitary organizations;
- Closed offices of Hamas and Jihad; and
- Ended financial transfers to Hamas and Jihad;
- Arrested 260 individuals suspected of violating the cease-fire, 
  including those listed by Israel and the US.

The PA only controls 17.2% of the West Bank (divided into 13 separate 
areas).

Israel has set up obstacles to President Arafat’s efforts:

- Closed Palestinian towns and villages making it impossible for PA security 
  forces to move from one Area A to the next;
- Bombed every police station in the West Bank;
- Bombed Palestinian towns and destroyed Palestinian infrastructure such as 
  the airport in Gaza and radio services in the West Bank;
- Assassinated 83 political activists and killed over 1000 Palestinians;
- Reoccupied Areas A (and continues to do so);
- Not prosecuted any settlers for attacking Palestinians (there have 
  been 54 attacks against Palestinians since the December cease-fire) or 
  IDF soldiers who have killed and injured Palestinians;

- Expanded settlements and build new settlements;
- Demolished homes, including 60 homes in Rafah; and
- Not approved the implementation of the Mitchell Report in its 
  entirety.

2. CRITICISM:

What about the Karine-A ship?

RESPONSE:

President Arafat has:

- Formed an investigation committee to determine whether the shipment 
  was headed to the PA, and has asked the US, the EU, Russia and Israel to 
  participate in the investigation.  All have refused to co-operate;
- Ordered the arrest of 3 PA officials suspected of being involved in 
  the shipment: Brigadier-General Fuad Shubaki; Adel Mughrabi and Fathi 
  Razem;
- Ordered the arrest of 2 members of the Palestinian naval force; and
- Fired Fuad Shubaki and Fathi Razem from their PA positions.

  Israel and the US have refused to present any evidence to the PA that:

- The shipment was headed to the PA; and
- President Arafat was involved.


3. CRITICISM:

Isn’t Arafat trying to destroy Israel through the right of return?

RESPONSE:

While the piece emphasizes that there is a right of return (as guaranteed under 
international law), President Arafat states that the implementation of the 
right of return will take into account Israel’s demographic concerns; and

The interests of both Israel and Palestinians can be reconciled through 
empowering refugees by providing them with choices: resettlement, 
moving to the Palestinian state, moving to third countries and return to Israel.  
The implementation of each of these choices will take into account each 
country’s demographic concerns.


4. CRITICISM:

Arafat has to compromise and the Camp David offer was a compromise.

RESPONSE:

A 78-22 division of historic Palestine is a more than adequate 
compromise.  

For more information, see the PLO’s Frequently Asked Questions on Camp 
David at http://www.nad-plo.org/eye/news38.html


5. CRITICISM:

This is what Arafat says to Americans, but what is he saying to his own 
people?

RESPONSE:

The piece is available to the Palestinian and Israeli press, who will 
undoubtedly translate the piece and republish it in parts or in its 
entirety.

The only official version is the English version because the piece was 
drafted for the NY Times.  There are no official translations into 
other languages due to the growing tendency to focus on perceived differences 
in translations.

The statements contained in the piece reflect past statements by President Arafat.


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February 3, 2002

The Palestinian Vision of Peace
By YASIR ARAFAT
 
RAMALLAH — For the past 16 months, Israelis and Palestinians have been locked in a 
catastrophic cycle of violence, a cycle which only promises more bloodshed and fear. 
The cycle has led many to conclude that peace is impossible, a myth borne out of 
ignorance of the Palestinian position. Now is the time for the Palestinians to state 
clearly, and for the world to hear clearly, the Palestinian vision.

But first, let me be very clear. I condemn the attacks carried out by terrorist groups 
against Israeli civilians. These groups do not represent the Palestinian people or their 
legitimate aspirations for freedom. They are terrorist organizations, and I am determined 
to put an end to their activities.

The Palestinian vision of peace is an independent and viable Palestinian state on the 
territories occupied by Israel in 1967, living as an equal neighbor alongside Israel with 
peace and security for both the Israeli and Palestinian peoples. In 1988, the Palestine 
National Council adopted a historic resolution calling for the implementation of applicable 
United Nations resolutions, particularly, Resolutions 242 and 338. The Palestinians 
recognized Israel's right to exist on 78 percent of historical Palestine with the 
understanding that we would be allowed to live in freedom on the remaining 22 percent, 
which has been under Israeli occupation since 1967. Our commitment to that two-state 
solution remains unchanged, but unfortunately, also remains unreciprocated.

We seek true independence and full sovereignty: the right to control our own airspace, 
water resources and borders; to develop our own economy, to have normal commercial 
relations with our neighbors, and to travel freely. In short, we seek only what the free 
world now enjoys and only what Israel insists on for itself: the right to control our own 
destiny and to take our place among free nations.

In addition, we seek a fair and just solution to the plight of Palestinian refugees who 
for 54 years have not been permitted to return to their homes. We understand Israel's 
demographic concerns and understand that the right of return of Palestinian refugees, a 
right guaranteed under international law and United Nations Resolution 194, must be 
implemented in a way that takes into account such concerns. However, just as we 
Palestinians must be realistic with respect to Israel's demographic desires, Israelis too 
must be realistic in understanding that there can be no solution to the Israeli-Palestinian 
conflict if the legitimate rights of these innocent civilians continue to be ignored. Left 
unresolved, the refugee issue has the potential to undermine any permanent peace agreement 
between Palestinians and Israelis. How is a Palestinian refugee to understand that his or 
her right of return will not be honored but those of Kosovar Albanians, Afghans and East 
Timorese have been?

There are those who claim that I am not a partner in peace. In response, I say Israel's 
peace partner is, and always has been, the Palestinian people. Peace is not a signed 
agreement between individuals — it is reconciliation between peoples. Two peoples cannot 
reconcile when one demands control over the other, when one refuses to treat the other as a 
partner in peace, when one uses the logic of power rather than the power of logic. Israel 
has yet to understand that it cannot have peace while denying justice. As long as the 
occupation of Palestinian lands continues, as long as Palestinians are denied freedom, then 
the path to the "peace of the brave" that I embarked upon with my late partner Yitzhak 
Rabin, will be littered with obstacles.

The Palestinian people have been denied their freedom for far too long and are the only 
people in the world still living under foreign occupation. How is it possible that the 
entire world can tolerate this oppression, discrimination and humiliation? The 1993 Oslo 
Accord, signed on the White House lawn, promised the Palestinians freedom by May 1999. 
Instead, since 1993, the Palestinian people have endured a doubling of Israeli settlers, 
expansion of illegal Israeli settlements on Palestinian land and increased restrictions on 
freedom of movement. How do I convince my people that Israel is serious about peace while 
over the past decade Israel intensified the colonization of Palestinian land from which it 
was ostensibly negotiating a withdrawal?

But no degree of oppression and no level of desperation can ever justify the killing of 
innocent civilians. I condemn terrorism. I condemn the killing of innocent civilians, 
whether they are Israeli, American or Palestinian; whether they are killed by Palestinian 
extremists, Israeli settlers, or by the Israeli government. But condemnations do not stop 
terrorism. To stop terrorism, we must understand that terrorism is simply the symptom, not 
the disease.

The personal attacks on me currently in vogue may be highly effective in giving Israelis 
an excuse to ignore their own role in creating the current situation. But these attacks do 
little to move the peace process forward and, in fact, are not designed to. Many believe 
that Ariel Sharon, Israel's prime minister, given his opposition to every peace treaty 
Israel has ever signed, is fanning the flames of unrest in an effort to delay indefinitely 
a return to negotiations. Regrettably, he has done little to prove them wrong. Israeli 
government practices of settlement construction, home demolitions, political 
assassinations, closures and shameful silence in the face of Israeli settler violence and 
other daily humiliations are clearly not aimed at calming the situation.

The Palestinians have a vision of peace: it is a peace based on the complete end of the 
occupation and a return to Israel's 1967 borders, the sharing of all Jerusalem as one open 
city and as the capital of two states, Palestine and Israel. It is a warm peace between two 
equals enjoying mutually beneficial economic and social cooperation. Despite the brutal 
repression of Palestinians over the last four decades, I believe when Israel sees 
Palestinians as equals, and not as a subjugated people upon whom it can impose its will, 
such a vision can come true. Indeed it must.

Palestinians are ready to end the conflict. We are ready to sit down now with any Israeli 
leader, regardless of his history, to negotiate freedom for the Palestinians, a complete 
end of the occupation, security for Israel and creative solutions to the plight of the 
refugees while respecting Israel's demographic concerns. But we will only sit down as 
equals, not as supplicants; as partners, not as subjects; as seekers of a just and peaceful 
solution, not as a defeated nation grateful for whatever scraps are thrown our way. For 
despite Israel's overwhelming military advantage, we possess something even greater: the 
power of justice. 

Yasir Arafat was elected president of the Palestinian Authority in 1996 and is also 
chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization.

   


















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