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by Khalil Athamina, Mediterranean Studies Unit, Birzeit University

Khalil Athamina , Mediterranean Studies Unit

When the 'Abbasids chose black banners and black costumes as the official symbol of their regime, a battleground was created which had not existed previously in the relationships between the groups competing for power in the Islamic arena. This not only led the opposing camps to adopt banners and symbols in various colors, but also engendered a new kind of propaganda war aimed at supporting the political efforts of the respective sides, presenting them as if they were based on Islamic religious foundations, for the sake of legitimacy. In this article I shall try to shed light on this phenomenon from a number of viewpoints, including its beginnings and the degree to which it is linked to Arab-Islamic tradition. I shall also attempt to illuminate the political background and traditional conceptions in whose shadow this phenomenon grew and prospered.

The issue of black banners was connected to the dissemination of prophetic traditions of a messianic nature, according to which the Prophet Muhammad foresaw the suffering that would be the lot of his family after his death, and informed them that salvation would come from the East when the local people would arise and bear the black flags that would lead them to a final victory against the rule of tyranny and restore justice).

'Abbasid propaganda also contributed to the significant dissemination of the black-banner tradition, since the latter was included in the spurious will delivered by Abu-Hasim, the son of Ibn al-Hanafiyya to Muhammad b. 'Ali b. 'Abdallah b. al-'Abbas, and which became known by the name of al-sahifa al-Safra "'the yellow scroll".

In any case, because of the nature of Islamic historiography in general and of the nature of the writing of hadit literature in particular, it is difficult to point with certainty to a precise date at which this type of tradition appeared on the Islamic scene. But it may be stated with certainty that the messianic-mystic traditions are a complete and utter sham. There is practically no controversy on this point--neither amongst contemporary researchers nor amongst medieval Muslim critics of hadit literature. Back to top

This fact did not influence the strong effect these traditions had on the public, who showed great interest in them. The masses saw in these prophecies a divine predestination whose eventual materialization was inevitable. This attitude was reflected in their behavior, evidencing itself even in the course of their daily lives. Because of the negative political implications that were likely to arise from the masses' fascination with this material, several of the Umayyad rulers were displeased with these messianic traditions and attempted to prevent their dissemination by perpetrating acts of violence against those who spread them.

With the rise of the 'Abbasids to power, the black banners ceased to be an item in the propaganda that had preceded the uprising which had brought them to power. The black banners became the banners of the Caliphate, which raises two important questions: Was the adoption of the black banners and black costumes-initially as a symbol of the Abbasid uprising and later as symbol of their regime--an innovation for them? And if so, why did they happen to choose black?

In fact, the Abbasids introduced no innovation at all by choosing the black banners as their symbol. Other rebels against the Umayyad regime had also borne black banners as early as the beginning of the second century of the Higra. In the year 101 A. H (720 A.D.), during the reign of Yazid b. Abd al-Malik, an uprising broke out under the leadership of Yazid Ibn al-Muhallab, who chose black banners as a symbol of his struggle. Al-Harit b. Surayg, who rose up against the Umayyad regime at Hurasan in the years 115-128 A.H., had also borne black banners. Abu Hamza, the Harigite rebel who seized control of Mecca and Medina during the reign of Marwan II, also carried black banners.

But one should not conclude from this that the banners and symbols of rebels in the Umayyad period and in earlier periods were always black. Among the banners borne by the Hawarig were some red ones as well. The banners of the rebels at the Battle of the Camel (Waq at al-gamat) were not uniform and were of various colors, and the same is true with regard to the followers of Mu'awiyya at the battle of Siffin.

The abundance of colors used in the banners of the Arabs in their wars, was largely due to the internal structure of the fighting units, since the army was largely comprised of tribal units which fought side by side under internal tribal leadership--although all these units and their commanders were subject to the supreme command of a single chief commander--a system which had existed in the days of al-Gahiliyya under the name of "al-tasanud". Splitting the army along tribal lines was, in the opinion of this writer, the cause of the proliferation of banners, the object of which was to emphasize each unit's tribal identity. Back to top

Islamic historians reporting on the black banners of the rebels mentioned above, have never bothered to explain why these rebels chose the color black. But contemporary researchers have pointed to a connection between the rebels and the struggle against the injustice of the Umayyad regime. In this context the rebel followed in the footsteps of the Prophet, whose banners where black when he fought against the infidels.

Section II

As for the selection of black banners by the Abbasids. researchers differ on this point. Van Vloten claims that the Abbasids adopted black as a symbol to contrast with the white symbol of the Umayyads.

But available sources provide no conclusive evidence regarding the official symbol of the Umayyads, thus, it cannot be assumed that it was white. The only tradition relied on by Van Vloten, namely that regarding the white garments worn by al-Walid b. Yazid during prayer, is irrelevant to the official symbol of the Umayyads. There was nothing unusual about this Caliph's having prayed in white garments; in fact, he was following the sunna of the Prophet which recommends that all Muslims pray in white garments, since white garments symbolize the modesty incumbent upon all Muslims in their attitude toward the Creator, especially during prayer.

It is for this reason that Muslims of all social strata and walks of life have followed the practice of praying in white as a sign of their modesty and piety. Furthermore, the banner of Mutawiyya at the battle of Siffin was red. Other units in his army bore black banners or green emblems. There is consequently no cause to conclude that the color white symbolized the Umayyad regime.

M. Sharon, on the other hand, tends to accept the version of Ibn Habib and Ibn A tam al-Kufi, who believe the choice of black was a sign of mourning for the murder of the Alid rebel Yahya b. Zayd who died at Hurasan in the year 125/743. But this explanation contradicts the conclusion drawn by Van Vloten that the black banners had nothing to do with mourning, based on the fact that al-Harit b. Surayg and several of the Harijite rebels bore black banners despite the fact that they were not in mourning for the fallen of the ahl al-bayt (the family of the Prophet).

In addition, the expression of mourning in Arab tradition prior to the rise of the Abbasids, was not necessarily connected with the color black. Women in mourning refrained from perfuming and decorating themselves, and some shaved their heads--like Hind bint 'Utba, the wife of Abu Sufyan, when she mourned the death of her father and brother at the battle of Badr. Men in similar circumstances avoided perfumes and drinking. In addition, some refrained from sexual relations.

When the black banners were first presented at Hurasan, they provoked anxiety and disdain amongst the supporters of the Shia which points beyond a doubt to the fact that the custom was foreign to the Arabs. But it is not unreasonable to assume that black garments became a sign of mourning amongst women only in certain circles--particularly in the court of the Abbasid caliphate. This could only have happened after the Abbasid regime became well established, as shown by the two cases in which women wore black as a sign of mourning for the caliph. Back to top

It is reasonable to assume that this custom remained fairly uncommon and did not exceed limited proportions. In its place different customs took root: blue garments came to symbolize mourning in the Islamic countries of the eastern Mediterranean while white became the color of mourning in Muslim Spain under the Umayyad dynasty. Blue garments may still be seen used as mourning clothes in some eastern Mediterranean Islamic countries.

But it should be pointed out that the same tradition that draws a connection between the black clothes of Abu Muslim and his followers and the mourning for Yahya b. Zayd, contains an additional element which has so far not been given sufficient attention, one which expressed the main motive behind the adoption of black. These men did not dye their clothes black to mourn the death of the 'Alid Yahya b. Zayd3', but rather as a public declaration that they would avenge his death. This opinion is clearly and unequivocally reflected in the tradition quoted by an anonymous writers- as well as in the tradition of Abu 'Ubayda as quoted by al-Baladuri.

The connection between the black garments and the intention to avenge one's death, is an ancient one, dating back to the days of al-Gahiliyya: When Imru al-Qays, the famous poet. received a delegation from the tribe of Asad, who had come to discuss a compromise with regard to the murder of his father. he came out to them wearing black garments, a short-sleeved cloak light sandals and a black turban--the black turban being the traditional symbol of the intention to avenge a murdered person.

This custom has its origins at the outset of the Islamic period following the battle of Uhud, in which the Muslims suffered a bitter defeat and numerous casualties. The Ansar (the people of Medina) dyed their garments black in accordance with the ancient Arab custom followed at such times of tragedy. This was the Ansar's way of demonstrating their intention to avenge the blood of the Muslim fallen.

The color black had an additional effect: it emphasized the legitimacy of the desire for revenge on the one hand, and, on the other, expressed the desire to undo the wrong that had been by the attackers. When Manzur b. Zibban heard that his daughter had married al-Hasan b. 'Ali without asking his permission, he felt his honor had been smeared. In reaction, he arrived in Medina and flew a black flag in the courtyard of the mosque. All people of Qaysite origin then united under that flag to undo the wrong that had been done to the dishonored elder.

It is in this light that the explanation included in Ibn Haldun's account of the adoption of the color black, may be understood. He says "wa na yan 'ala Bani Umayyata fi qatlihim", intending to demonstrate publicly the ugliness and disgrace of the murder carried out by the Umayyads against the members of the family. The ultimate intention was to sway public opinion toward the justification of revenge. Back to top

But this was not the way things were, according to the official propaganda of the 'Abbasids, the intention of which was to lend legitimacy to their seizure of power, and which included the matter of "sawad", the color black. This propaganda passed through two stages, each of which was characterized by certain points of emphasis.

At the first stage, the propaganda was based on the testament of Abu Hasim, known as "al-Hasimiyya". But during the second stage the emphasis shifted, and the foundation became the right of the 'Abbasid dynasty to inherit solely the heritage of the Prophet, to the exclusion of the other members of the family, the 'Alias.

Following the difference between these two stages, there is a difference between the explanations given for the adoption of black. Thus, we see during the first stage that the instruction to adopt the color black for both garments and banners was given by the first imams Muhammad b. 'Ali and his son Ibrahim, whose right to the imama stemmed directly from the testament of Abu Hasim. But the second stage witnessed a drastic change in the Abbasids' explanation of the adoption of black. The explanation at this stage focused on two main arguments: first, that black was part of the family heritage of al -'Abbas, father of the dynasty, and second, the destined Islamic-religious role of the black-clad 'Abbasids, expressed in the messianic traditions attributed to the Prophet.

In the context of the first argument, the official propaganda stresses that the color black has always been a blessing upon the family of the Prophet. The first signs of this blessing appeared when the black arrow chosen by 'Abd al-Muttalib won in the lots cast between him and the Meccan nobility, when the latter competed against him for ownership of the golden statues and pearls he had found while digging the well of Zamzam near the kaba.

The family's banners were also black, as was the banner of the Prophet when he conquered Mecca. So was the banner of 'Ali at the battle of Siffin against the Umayyads. As for the Prophet's banner, the sources are unanimous in their opinion that he bore a black banner on the day Mecca was conquered. Furthermore, the black banner had been adopted by the Prophet ever since his first battle against the Qurashites, and not only on the day he conquered Mecca.

But attention should be drawn at this point to the 'Abbasids, attempt to rewrite the sira of the Prophet with the intention to advance their political interest and create a legitimate background upon which they could seize power. These attempts are reflected in several stories of the life of the Prophet, which they rewrote. One should therefore not overlook the possibility that the attribution of black banners to the Prophet Muhammad may be part of this attempt on the part of the 'Abbasids.

As for the banner of Ali at the battle of Siffin, sources include several versions which contradict the black-banner claim completely. The black banner attributed to Ali at this battle was none other than the banner of the Rabi'a tribe, led by al-Hudayn b. al-Mundir, who united under his command all warriors of the tribe of Bakr b. Wa'il. Another account names the color of the banner not as black, but as red. Furthermore, Ali's camp at this battle included other banners of various colors.

Thus, there is no proof to support the claim that the black banner was exclusively Ali's, as the pro-'Abbasid version would have it. in this context there are other traditions which attribute the black flag precisely to the opposite camp, that of Mutawiyya, since it was 'Amr b. al- As who bore a black banner that he had kept ever since he got it from the prophet. The appearance of this banner in the Umayyad camp embarrassed the commanders of 'Al1's army, who acted quickly to provide adequate rationalizations that would silence critics and remove the embarrassment. Back to top

As an expression of the Abbasids efforts to present the color black as the exclusive heritage of the family, we may note the action of Harun al-Rasid, who banished the traditionist Abu Bakr b. 'Ayyas from his native Kufa into exile for having delivered the hadit regarding the black banner given by the Prophet to 'Amr b.

Within the framework of the second argument, two elements of an apocalyptic-messianic nature are emphasized. The first may be seen in the hadits attributed to the Prophet in which the angel Gabriel foresees the future reign of the descendants of al-'Abbas the Prophet's uncle, whose typical attire would be black. But in the second element, dreams are the central means by which the future reign of al-'Abbas' descendants and their symbols are conveyed. The dreamer is al-Mansur himself, who tells how in his sleep he saw the Prophet giving the black banner both to his brother Abu'l-'Abbas (who preceded him in his position) and to him personally, at the kaba. The gift of the banner in the dream comprised no less than formal investiture--the most supreme form of ordainment according to the Islamic conception of that time.

Section III

Following the establishment of the Abbasid reign, the color black became the trademark of the new regime. This is clear from the answer of Abu Muslim when asked about the black garments he wore. Black became the official symbol of the Abbasids' from whence the epithet musawwida--those who wear black--became synonymous with the name of the dynasty. While the epithet did indeed appear earlier, when it was given to the Hurasan rebels led by Abu Muslim during the reign of the Umayyads , black did not become the official symbol of Abbasid reign until a few years later, despite the fact that the first Caliph of the dynasty, al-Saffah, worn black garments when he made his speech of acceptance following his appointment.

It was the second Caliph, al-Mansur, who institutionalized black, giving it its status as an official symbol, when in 145 A. H. he issued a decree requiring all inhabitants of Kufa, without exception to wear black garments. The people of Kufa, fearful lest they disobey the orders of the Caliph, were forced to dye all of their clothing with black ink to escape punishment.

But it should not be understood from this that the decree was simultaneously applied to all provinces throughout the empire. In Egypt, for example, it took twenty years of 'Abbasid rule before the preacher of the mosque appeared in black. This delay was apparently caused by the indifference of the 'Abbasid rules to the enforcement of black attire in all areas. Their policy in this respect differed from locality to locality. In Iraq, for example, the people were particularly careful to obey the decree of al-Mansur.

Persons known for their hatred of the regime were forced to appear in black garments, lest they provoke the ruler's revenge. Others dared not remove their black clothing without receiving special permission from the officials, since failure to appear in black clothing was suspiciously interpreted by the regime as symbolizing sympathy with its enemies.

In other localities, on the other hand, enforcement was lenient. In Egypt, rather than exercise its authority by enforcing the decree, the authorities chose a different system: plots of land were given to those who agreed to wear black garments, as a sign of encouragement for those who cooperated with the objective of extending the decree to this province. Back to top

In any case, we have no conclusive evidence as to whether al- Mansur's decree was in effect throughout all provinces of the empire, or to how long it was enforced. But it is known that in 153 A.H. al-Mansur decreed that his courtiers and the members of his entourage must adopt a uniform which, in addition to the black garments, would include the qulun sawu, a cone-shaped cap. Their swords would be hung on a belt round their waist, and a verse of the Qur'an would be inscribed on their backs. This uniform was not to the liking of some of al-Mansur's courtiers, as we may learn from the poem of Abu Dulama, one of Caliph al-Mansur's closest courtiers.

Objections notwithstanding, the uniform became compulsory for all members of these circles--even in provinces such as Egypt where the official code of dress had heretofore not been enforced.

The uniform introduced by al-Mansur in the middle of the second century A.H. remained in force for several centuries thereafter, as the official uniform both of the Caliph and of his entourage But in light of special circumstances, some caliph made changes in the traditional uniform. Black was not only the official uniform within state boundaries; it extended beyond them: Imperial emissaries wore it at the courts of neighboring kingdoms.

Some Caliphs, unwilling to limit themselves to the traditional royal uniform, went further--making use of various objects and articles which were also black. Harun al-Rasid was one such Caliph. During his reign the circle of those compelled to wear black was expanded to include religious figures and theologians who were made to wear the black uniform at the initiative of Abu Yusuf al-Qad, who served as chairman of the judicial institution at the Caliph's court. Other members of the court consistently wore the black uniform on both official and unofficial occasions. The officials' insistence on the uniform was constant, and although some articles were occasionally altered or overlooked, The black turban was always strictly maintained.

In the course of time the sawed gained prestige in the eyes of the ruling elite. It was given religious sanction, and care was taken not to hold drinking parties, for example, while dressed in the official uniform. Black also became symbolic of social class: Persons striving to improve their social standing, sought permission to appear in the black uniform. This indicates that black was the symbol of a very exclusive social circle patronized by the Caliph himself.

In the middle of the third century A.H., black was beyond the reach of commonfolk who had no link to court circles. Toward the late sixties of that century, the short-sleeved cloak--one of the traditional articles of the official uniform--became the most prestigious gift a Caliph could give one of his clerks in appreciation of distinguished service to his patron. Back to top

Black became the official trademark of the regime, giving official authority and standing to those who wore it. When uprisings broke out in North Africa, the leader of the rebels wrote to the provincial leader, demanding that he remove the black uniform that symbolized the authority given to him by the Caliph. Black also symbolized loyalty to the regime. Officials who betrayed the faith of the ruler were punished by having their black garments removed. In extreme cases, the offenders were not only prohibited from wearing black garments; they were forced to wear white ones.

It should be noted in this context that even renegade princes like the Buwayhids, continued to relate to black as their official symbol, despite the fact that they had separated themselves from the central regime of the caliphate in Baghdad. The Buwayhids' insistence upon the black uniform expresses beyond all doubt the attitude common at that time, which saw in the colour black an expression of legitimacy to rule while being loyal to the central Caliphate.

Section IV

In contrast to the official 'Abbasid propaganda, which glorified black as an Islamic tradition whose religious origins were venerable, the anti-'Abbasid opposition-particularly the 'Alid Si'ite circles--did not remain indifferent, but initiated their own propaganda campaign against black. The aim of this counter-propaganda was to deny any connection between black and Islamic tradition as founded by the Prophet, portraying black as a bid'a, a negative innovation contrary to the Islamic sunna, initiated by Abu Muslim. He had not received the black banners from the imam, as Abbasid propaganda had claimed, but had dyed scraps of cloth and made them into banners with the aim of misleading the masses.

The Prophet himself would have despised black; in fact he was astonished when the angel Gabriel appeared before him dressed in blackg6. Black clothing was odious to him, with the exception of certain articles.

Quotations from 'Ali and other 'Alid leaders forbid the wearing of black clothing, as it is the clothing of such tyrants as Pharaoh, or because it is the clothing of those who deny faith in Hell. Theologians and religious figures, like al-Awzati, hated to wear black clothing because they were utterly foreign to Islamic traditiong. In parallel to the traditions of black clothing, traditions appeared which glorified the color white--bayad--and of those who wore white, mubayyida; these traditions became popular amongst the masses.

Within the framework of the struggle against the 'Abbasid regime, the opposition adopted colors and symbols deliberately in contrast to those of the 'Abbasids; it is against this background that they became known as "al-musawwida".

It is true that in certain cases the rebels bore white banners and symbols despite the differences in ideological background that had spurred these uprisings. But in other cases the rebels bore banners of other colors. In fact, the two 'Alid rebels who became personally known as "mabayyida", Muhammad and his brother Ibrahim, did not carry white banners at all; Ibrahim's banner, for example, was of gold color. In a different pro-Si'ite uprising, the garments and symbols of the rebels were green. And in the uprising of the zanj--included by Islamic historians amongst the uprisings of the mubayyida--the symbols were red. Back to top

In light of all of this, it is impossible to point to a direct correlation between the epithet "mubayyida" and the symbols or banners of these rebel groups, as has been attempted by several modern researchers. And from the same point of origin, it is impossible to rely on the observation by Ibn Haldun that the term "mubayyida" was given to the Alid opposition because they carried white banners, since in fact these rebels carried banners of other colors as well, and since non-Alid groups not belonging to the shi'a were also known by this epithet.

Furthermore, the choice of white symbols or banners by the pro-Alid rebels, if it was true, during the Abbasid reign, was not a continuation of any ancient Alid tradition. On the contrary, if the family had any characteristic color at all, it was black, since the patriarch of the family, Ali b. Abi Talib, always wore a black turban', in deference to the will of the Prophet, who had chosen this color when he personally wrapped a black turban round Ali's head, the black turban became a family trademark, and when the people of Kufa were expecting the arrival of al-Husayn b. Ali in 63 A. H., and Ibn Ziyad suddenly appeared in the city streets, they thought he was al-Husayn because he was wearing a black turban. As a sign of identification with the family symbols, the Shi'ite supporters of the Alids, who fought under their command in the uprisings against the Abbasids, used to wear black turbans.

It is important in this connection to note the link between the turban on the one hand and the banners and symbols on the other, within the framework of Arabic-Islamic tradition: in times of the battle, it was customary to tie one's turban round one's spear, turning it into a banner.

It follows from all of the above that the term "mabavyida" became a generic term incorporating all rebel movements that revolted against the Abbasid regime, including shi'ites, pro-Umayyads, religious elements, and uprisings connected to social class, as in the case of the zanj.

Section V

In the same way that black became the official symbol of the Abbasid dynasty through the famous decree of al-Mansur, its symbolism was eventually cancelled, by a different decree. Fifty years after the original decree, a second decree was made, this time by the Caliph al-Ma'mun in 201 A. H. The new decree outlawed the black uniform and in its place instituted a green one including a complete set of articles of clothing.

The explanation for al-Ma'mun's step was never fully articulated and has not been reported by historians. It is clear, in any case, that the decision to replace the black uniform with a green one was concomitant with a more drastic decision, to appoint the Alid leader Ali b. Musa, known as al-Ri'da, as al-Ma'mun's heir.

Thus the claim made by many researchers, that the color green was the symbol of the Alid dynasty, and that the transition from black to green uniform came in the wake of the appointment. As we have seen, this contention is completely baseless since the color green had not heretofore served as the characteristic colour of the 'Alid dynasty. On the contrary, green had been one of the cymbols of their adversaries, the Umayyads. Other theories in this context may be similarily discounted, since they are no more than speculation with no basis in conclusive evidence. Back to top

As for traditions which draw a connection between the green uniforms and the uniforms of the Persian empire and the symbols of the Magian rite, these may be seen first of all, to be of Su'ubi character; furthermore they were planned as deliberate acts against the al Fadl b Sahl, al-Ma'mun's advisor, designed to raise false accusations against him and dissuade the caliph from the step he had taken. For these twor easons, the reliability of these traditions is doubtful.

Al-Ma'mun's step was not vulnerable to Pro-Persian influences (if in fact that was the intention of his advisor): the advisor had in fact objected to this step and tried to prevent it. The adoption of green was meant to be conducive to an atmosphere of reconciliation which Al-Ma'mun strove to bring about between the two rival branches of the Prophet's family. Green was naturally suitable to this atmosphere, since according to Islamic tradition, it is the color in which the people of Paradise will be clothed after Judgement Day.

With the publication of the decree, green became the official uniform of the clerks in the service of the caliph and his army. But the reaction in Baghdad, the capital, was different. There were those who obeyed the decree, while others--particularly the Abbasid- dynasty and those close to it--refused to accept it and even rejected al-Ma'mun, appointing Ibrahim b. al-Mahdi as Caliph in his place.

Despite the death of the 'Alid heir in the year 203 A H., the green uniform continued to serve as the official uniform. It was changed a year later, after al-Ma'mun entered Baghdad and put down the uprising of the 'Abbasid princes led by Ibrahim b. al-Mahdi. The black uniform was returned to its former status as symbol of the 'Abbasid caliphate, and al-Ma'mun reinstituted it and compelled the adversaries of the dynasty to wear black, as his predecessors had done. Back to top