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Palestine &The UN
Monthly Bulletin issued by The Permanent Observer Mission of
Palestine to the United Nation
U.S. Vetoes European Draft Resolution on Jerusalem;
General Assembly Overwhelmingly Adopts Same Text
For the second time in less than two years, the United States vetoed a draft
resolution. On 7 March 1997, in the Security Council regarding the issue of Jerusalem. The
draft resolution was presented by France, Portugal, Sweden and the United Kingdom in an
indication of deep European irritation over the recent policies and actions of the Israeli
government in this regard. The draft resolution received 14 votes in favor, reflecting the
near unanimity of the position of the international community on the matter.
This recent episode began with indications by some Israeli officials regarding an
impending decision by the government to building a new settlement in Jabal Abu Ghneim to
the south of occupied East Jerusalem.
The Arab Group at the United Nations reacted immediately and initiated consultations
with all members of the Council with the aim of preventing the materialization of the
decision. On 25 February 1997, the President of the Council (Kenya) met with the Israeli
Charge d'Affaires to convey the concerns of the Council and to ask that the decision not
be taken. The next day. however, the Israeli government decided to proceed with the
settlement and on that same day, the Arab Group requested a formal meeting of the Council
to consider the situation.
The members of the Council met privately with President Yasser Arafat, during his brief
visit to New York, on the morning of 5 March 1997, and in the afternoon the Security
Council convened its official meeting. Approximately fifty speakers delivered statements
before the Council all of whom expressed deep concern over the Israeli decision and called
for the cessation of all settlement activities. They also expressed support for the peace
process and emphasized the need for the parties to comply with the agreements already
reached.
The initiative by the European members of the Council to present a draft resolution,
which happened for the first time, was indeed a significant political development. The
U.S. on the other hand, attempted to dilute the momentum of the Council through
postponement and through suggestions that the Council adopt a statement instead of a
resolution. At the last minute, the U.S. encouraged a text for a statement through the
President of the Council (Poland). Egypt stressed that the Arab Group opposed anything
less than a resolution and the Europeans indicated that the suggested text was not an
acceptable basis for negotiations. (The Arab Group was chaired by Palestine in February
and Qatar in March).
In general the U.S. maintained its traditional position, which seeks to keep the
Council out of issues relating to the Middle East. On the other hand, the Palestinian and
Arab sides, supported by the rest of the world, maintained that the Council must carry out
its responsibilities, including on the Middle East, especially when agreements between
parties are violated and actions contrary to international humanitarian law and relevant
Security Council resolutions are taken.
As a result of the U.S. veto, the Arab Group called for an urgent session of the
General Assembly to consider the situation. The Arab Group also decided to maintain the
same test of the resolution with the additions of an operative paragraph requesting the
Secretary General of the United Nations to inform the Israeli government of the content of
the resolution. The Assembly met for two sessions on 12 March to hear the statements of
many member states, and met again on 13 March to vote on the draft resolution, which by
then was cosponsored by 57 states, including all 15 members of the European Union. The
draft, which was presented by Indonesia, was adopted as resolution 51/223 and received 130
votes in favor, with only Israel and U.S. voting against it. Marshall Islands and
Micronesia abstained.
The result of the vote represented a near unanimous position by the international
community and sent a clear message in this regard to the Israeli government. It reaffirmed
that United Nations organs must fulfill their responsibilities toward the situation in the
Middle East.
The Israeli Settlement System in the occupied Palestinian Territory
With the 1967 Arab- Israeli war, Israel occupied the west Bank, including East
Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, the Sinai and Golan Heights. In the immediate thereafter, the
idea of expanding the Jewish presence to parts or all of those territories became the
common denominator among the main Israeli political parties. The settlement system then
began to take shape through the transfer of Israelis to the occupied territories and the
building of housing and other infrastructure in specific locations consulting settlements
to accommodate those Israelis.
At the beginning of the settlement drive, the security dimension was emphasized by the
then Israeli Labor government and settlements were first established in key security areas
such as the Golan Heights. This developed into a pattern, which seemed to fulfill the
Allon plan, focusing on the Jerusalem area, the Jordan Valley and the mountain range
overlooking the Valley.
In the mid - 1970s, and particularly under the Likud government, the pattern began to
change, especially with regard to the occupied Palestinian territory, settlement
activities intensified and spread and appeared to aim at assuring the Israeli presence
throughout the occupied territories and preventing the implementation of Palestinian
national rights.
In the process, Israel applied complex measures for illegal land acquisition, ranging
from the control of all state and communal lands, the application of the emergency
regulations of 1945 and of the emergency regulations of 1945 and of the absentee property
procedures, the change of laws related to the expropriation of land, to the direct
confiscation of privately owned land. that was coupled with massive exploitation of
natural resources, especially water resources. Also, various significant financial
incentives were offered to encourage Israelis to move to the occupied territories,
including rebates and low interest loans, free infrastructure services and the employment
of a high percentage of settlers in the public sector.
At the beginning, the majority of settlers belonged to the left and center of the
political spectrum. At a later stage, however, religious Jews became more prominent as
settlers form the mainstream began to move to a few specific urban settlements and
settlements around East Jerusalem. The majority of settlers have always been arrived and
many have been the source of extreme harassment to the Palestinian people. Generally,
however, the settlers remain within their defended settlements, maintaining links directly
with Israel and with each other, not with the Palestinian population around them.
Gradually, and especially with the increase of bypass roads, settlements have come to
constitute a separate structure of life, differing greatly from that of the Palestinian
people, with different living conditions by the Israeli army of different rules and laws
to those settlers.
As such, the Israeli settlement system, with its various dimensions, including the transfer of Israelis to the occupied territories; the illegal acquisition of land; the exploitation of natural resources; the establishment of a separate structure of life and the submersion of the exercise by the Palestinian people of their rights, is a distinctive
The Israeli settlement system, with its various dimensions, is a distinctive
combination of classic colonialism waged on the basis of apartheid-like arrangements.
Clearly, development and expansion of the above-described settlement system was carried
forth despite the vehement opposition of the Palestinian people as well as the firm stance
of the international community.
Legal Status: The Israeli settlement system is illegal under international law.
The Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War
of 1949, of whiIsrael is a signatory party, prohibits in all cases the transfer of parts
of the civilian population of the occupying Power into the territory it occupies. The
Convention, as well as the Hague convention on the Laws and Customs of War On Land and its
Annexed Regulation of 1907, which together constitute customary international law,
prohibit the destruction, seizure and confiscation of private or public properties in
occupied territories (except when absolutely necessary for military reasons).
The applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention to the territories occupied by Israel
in 1967 has been asserted by the International Committee of the Red Cross, by United
Nations organs and agencies, as well as by every country in the world. The United Nations
Security Council reaffirmed the applicability of the Convention to the occupied
territories, including Jerusalem in 24 resolutions.
The Council has specifically dealt with the issue of settlements, established a
Commission in this regard and considers settlements to be illegal and an obstacle to
peace. In addition. the Council has called for the cessation of all settlement activities
and the dismantling of the existing ones. The Council has also repeatedly declared that
all measures taken by Israel to change the demographic composition, physical character,
institutional structure of status of the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied
since 1967, including Jerusalem, are null and void and have no legal validity (e.g.
resolutions 446 (1979), 452 (1979) and 465 (1980).
Moreover, settlements as a means of colonizing Palestinian and Arab land, which might
result in depriving the Palestinian people of their right to self determination, violate
the Charter of the United Nations, human rights covenants, the United Nations Declaration
on Human Rights and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries
and Peoples.
The Present Situation: There now exit 300,000 Israeli settlers in the occupied
territories, 180,000 of which live within the illegally extended municipal boundaries of
East Jerusalem, These settlers live in 165 settlements; 9 in East Jerusalem (extended
municipal boundaries), 150 in the West Bank and 16 in the Gaza Strip. (There are also 36
settlements in the Golan Heights.)
About 80% of these settlements consist of 500 settlers or less, and of the
settlers in the West Bank, approximately 60% live in 14 urban settlements. In addition,
60% of the settlers are on the Israeli public payroll. In total, the settlements occupy
around 7% of the overall occupied Palestinian territory. This percentage dramatically
increases when calculations include the land designated for planned expansion of
settlements. Currently, the building of settlements continues, as well as the
expropriation of land and the building of bypass roads for the settlements.
The Peace Process: Within the context of the Middle East Peace process, the
Israeli government and the Palestine Liberation Organization concluded the Declaration of
Principles of 1993 and the Interim Agreement on the West Bank and Gaza Strip of 1995. The
parties recognized their mutual legitimate rights and agreed that the peace process should
lead to the implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967). The parties also
agreed to postpone negotiations on specific issues, including the settlements. to a second
stage of negotiations to commence in May 1996.
These agreements do not and should not alter the status of settlements which remain
illegal. The agreements require the Israeli government to desist from any settlement
activities as new facts on the ground would only preempt or alter the outcome of expected
negotiations, and render the agreements between the parties useless. Furthermore,
additional settlement activities defy not only the basic logic of the peace process, but
also the mutual recognition between the parties and the goal of achieving a just and
comprehensive peace. As such, settlement activities of any kind clearly violate these
agreements,
Positions of the Parties: The Palestinian side considers Israeli settlements to
be illegal and an obstacle to peace and maintains that no settlement activities should
take place during the transitional period. At a later stage, the settlement system should
be dismantled and Palestinian claims for redress should be satisfied. This does not
interfere with the possibility of Jews living under Palestinian sovereignty.
The present Israeli government insists on expanding the existing settlements and does
not exclude the possibility of building new ones. The government also refuses to limit
settlement activities within the extended municipal boundaries of Jerusalem. Since the
present government has come into office, it has approved the construction of 9,256 housing
units in settlements. With regard to international law, successive Israeli governments
have maintained that the Fourth Geneva Convention is not applicable, but that they would
apply its humanitarian provisions. The government also has accepted the Hague Regulations
(although many aspects of the settlement system grossly violate those regulations).
The positions of successive U.S. administrations have varied but a common denominator
has been the classification of settlements as on obstacle to peace. This position was
recently reaffirmed by the present administration. The US. has opposed and will continue
to oppose settlement activities in territories occupied since 1967, which remain an
obstacle to peace."
Conclusion: The Israeli settlement system is illegal under international law. It
violates United Nations General Assembly and Security Council resolutions and any
activities in this regard also violate the Palestinian-Israeli agreements and endanger the
process. Such activity must be brought to an end, pending negotiations, which must lead to
the dismantlement of the settlement system and proper redress for the Palestinian people.
PALESTINE AND THE UN IN RETROSPECT
This is the second in a series of six articles, appearing chronologically by decades,
looking back at the most important events related to the question of Palestine that have
taken place at the United Nations since the inception of the organization in 1945. Those
events have greatly influenced both the history and the present of the Palestinian people
and will affect their future also as the permanent responsibility of the United Nations
must be upheld towards the question of Palestine until it is solved in all its aspects.
President Yasser Arafat visited the U.S. from 2 to 5 March 1997. It was his first visit
upon formal invitation from the U.S. President. He met with President Clinton, Secretary
Albright and other administration officials and members of Congress. In Georgia, he met
with former President Carter and in Houston, Texas he met with former President Bush and
former Secretary Baker. During his visit, he also attended several events organized by the
Palestinian - American community. President Arafat came to New York on the 4th of March
and attended a large reception in his honor at the United Nations, which was organized by
the Permanent Observer Mission of Palestine and sponsored by a hospitality committee of
Palestinian - Americans from the New York/New Jersey area. While at the United Nations, he
met with members of the Security Council, the President of the General Assembly and the
Secretary-General of the United Nations. President Arafat also met with a group of Jewish
leaders from the Conferences of Presidents of Major Jewish Organizations, the editorial
board of The New York Times and had a meeting at the Council on Foreign Relations.
On the 4th of March, the Israeli government announced its decision to unilaterally
redeploy its forces from an additional 2% of the West Bank along with another 7% which has
already been under Palestinian civil authority. That would leave the Israelis in full
control of approximately 70% of the West Bank. The Palestinians considered the Israeli
announcement to be an attempt at deception and assured that such a decision was not in
compliance with the agreements reached and the Note for the Record of 15 January 1997,
which states that further redeployments in the West Bank should be completed within 12
months, starting at the beginning of March 1997 but not later than mid-1998. By then,
Israel is to have redeployed its forces to agreed military locations.
This recent Israeli decision was announced in the midst other extremely dangerous steps
such as the building of a new settlement in Jabal Abu- Ghneim, the closing of independent
Palestinian offices in East Jerusalem and the blocking of agreement in the negotiating
committees on overdue issues including the airport, seaport and the safe passage. All such
actions and measures are a clear detriment to the peace process and endanger it greatly.
The United Nation Secretary General, Mr. Kofi Annan, presided over the first meeting of
the committee on the Exercise of rights of the Palestinian People in 1997. The meeting
took place on 19 February 1997, during which the officers of the Committee were elected,
including the Committee's Chairman, Ambassador Ibra Deguence Ka of Senegal. The
Secretary-General made a statement before the meeting reaffirming the role of the U.N.,
and he also introduced Mr. Chimmaya Gharekhan as the new "United Nations Special
Coordinator in the Occupied Territories". Mr Gharekhan will be residing in Gaza
joining Mr. Peter Hansen, the Commissioner-General of the United Nations Relief and Works
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Another U.N. official. Mr. Timothy
Rothermal, the special Representative of the administrator of the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP), is residing in Jerusalem.
The General Assembly
Having considered the letters dated 21, 25 and 27 February 1997 from the
Permanent Observer of Palestine on behalf of the States members of the League of Arab
States (A/51/808-5/1997/149, A/51/808/S/1997/157 and S/1997/165).
Expressing deep concern at the decision of the Government of Israel to initiate
new settlement activities in the Jabal Abu Ghneim area in East Jerusalem,
Expressing concern about other recent measures that encourage or facilitate new
settlement activities,
Stressing that such settlements are illegal and a major obstacle to peace.
Confirming that all legislative and administrative measures and actions taken by
Israel which purport to alter the status of Jerusalem, including expropriation of land and
properties thereon. are invalid and cannot change that status,
Reaffirming its support for the Middle East peace Process and all its
achievements including the recent Agreement on Hebron,
Concerned about the difficulties facing the Middle East Peace Process, including
the impact these have on the living conditions of the Palestine people, and urging the
parties to fulfill their ablations, including under the agreements already reached.
Having discussed the situation at the 91st and 92nd plenary
meeting on 12 March 1997
1. Calls upon the Israeli authorities to refrain from all actions or measures,
including sentiment. activities, which after the facts on tground, preempting the final
status negotiations, and have negative implications for the Middle East Peace Process,
2. Calls upon Israel, the occupying Power to abide scrupulously by its legal
obligations and responsibilities under the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of war of 12 August 1949, which is applicable to all the
territories occupied by Israel since 1967.
3. Calls upon all parties to continue, in the interests of peace and security,
their negotiations within the Middle East Peace Process on its agreed basis and the timely
implementation of the agreements reached
4. Requests the Secretary- General to bring to the attention of the Government
of Israel the provision of this resolution.
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