Views in Zionism
How an entire industry
has hijacked memories of the Holocaust
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Make
no mistake, this book is a bombshell. Published last year, The Holocaust
Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering, not only braces
with a provocative title, but adds to ones amazement when it is revealed that
its author, Norman G. Finkelstein, is Jewish and the son of Holocaust survivors.
Strange, then, that this man decided to study a phenomenon of which the world is
becoming increasingly aware: the packaging, marketing and selling of a
historical event, totally divorced from its context and used as a tool for
extortion and guilt where resistance might have lay.
On second thought, is the fact that an author with these stellar
credentials has penned this book such a surprise? For he too, at the end,
is a consequence of the industry he decries, for in todays world, only
a few can utter such criticisms without being slurred as anti-Semites.
Finkelstein gets down to work from the first page. In this concise and slender
book, which has been translated into dozens of languages, we are faced with
truths long denied and facts as yet untold. Whether one agrees with the
authors premise or not, the extent and thoroughness of his research are
unquestionable.
From the outset, the author separates the Nazi Holocaust which is the historical
event that occurred between 1939 and 1945, resulting in the mass murder of
Europes Jewry, and The Holocaust which is its ideological
representation. The purpose of this Holocaust dogma, he argues, is to portray
both the Jewish people and the Jewish state as victims. Thereby, they become
immune to criticism.
Finkelstein states that Holocaust awareness did not take place in the States
prior to 1967. Before that, the genocide of 6 million Jews was never given
prominence in American life. It was the period of the Cold War and Germany was
realigned as a partner, hence references to German war crimes would have been
counter-productive. All this changed after the 1967 war, when Israel
defeated Jordan, Syria and Egypt, securing its position as the dominant power in
the Middle East.
The United States, mired in the humiliation of a war with Vietnam that it was in
the process of losing, saw Israel as a willing ally in a region where
Syrian and Egyptian regimes were taking increasingly defiant and independent
stances.
This was a windfall for American Jews, Finkelstein writes. He explains how
this ethnic group in America, which always sought success and access to power,
found in Israel its vehicle. They set in motion the holocaust
industry to justify American support and Israeli excesses while
benefiting from this newly acquired victim status, becoming the go-betweens in a
very lucrative business.
Finkelstein puts it clearly: Everybody knows (that of) the
contributions
collected in
America, (in) the name of Israel, about half of the sum
goes not to Israel but to Jewish institutions in America.
There are a few stars in Finkelsteins book, most notably the Godfather of the
Holocaust industry, Nazi-hunter Elie Wiesel. Wiesel comes from a school of
thought that places the Holocaust as an event totally out of the ordinary, so
unique as to be sacred, so horrific as to be incomprehensible; therefore any
attempt at studying it or rationalizing it is tantamount to denying it. All
this, Finkelstein points out, done at the rate of $25 000 a lecture plus
limousine.
It is Wiesel who introduced the concept of the Holocaust as being the climax of
Gentile hatred for Jews. According to his interpretation, this is no less then a
2,000-year-old hatred stemming from the crucifixion of Christ and leading up to
this inevitable horror. Thus by divorcing a historical event (which was never
exclusively Jewish) from its appropriate context and placing it in a
romanticized chronicle of the Jewish people, its historical value is totally
stripped from it and its dogmatic purpose made clear: The world is out to get
the Jews.
This, Finkelstein says, explains their need for a sanctuary (Israel) and
greater security (atomic weapons and immunity from criticism.) All this has led
to the turning of the Holocaust into the new religion of the secular American
Jew, the new tie that binds in an otherwise threateningly assimilating culture.
One of the strengths of Finkelsteins book is his guidance through the
minefield that is modern-day propaganda. His clarity of thought holds the
readers attention while his undeniable humor (if the world wants the Jew
dead, truly the wonder is that they are still alive and, unlike much of
humanity, not exactly starving) makes of for an interesting read. One by one,
false assumptions fall to reveal the less enchanting purposes behind them.
In the first two chapters we are faced with the cultural and political
ramifications of the Holocaust industry. In his third and final chapter we are
introduced to the chilling ways it does business.
Finkelstein illuminates astonishing facts about the mechanics that made a
country such as Switzerland buckle and pay $1.25 billion to Jewish organizations
such as the World Jewish Congress, which claims to represent all Jewish
Holocaust survivors. According to Finkelsteins research, the money has yet to
be given to the people in whose name it were claimed but rather fills the
already overflowing coffers of these institutions.
Finally, as proof is given of lawyers and senators charging up to $640 per hour
for their work on these cases, it is again Finkelsteins wit and
perceptiveness that keeps us reading as he cleverly points out that the American
record in dealing with dormant Jewish accounts is just as bad as
Switzerlands, if not worse.
Critics, unable to deny his well-supported arguments, have resorted to attacking
his style, which they qualify as endless ranting and angry diatribe.
Most moving of all is his demand that the victims of the Nazis be left to rest
in peace, and as for the survivors, he shares his mothers wisdom: If
everyone who claims to be a survivor actually is one, who did Hitler kill?
Indeed everyone is a survivor if there is money to be had and sainthood to be
awarded, but at the end of the day only a few truly survived and they did not do
so to watch their real suffering be used for material and political gain.
1- The Daily Star, 3-7-2001.
UN draft: Zionism 'a movement based
on racial superiority'
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Despite the threat of an American
boycott, the latest draft of a declaration up for adoption at a UN conference on
racism next month includes references to Israels treatment of the
Palestinians as a "crime against humanity" and revives the
classification of Zionism as a "movement which is based on racial
superiority."
A copy of the latest version of the text - which also refers to Arabs who
suffered as a result of the 1948 Arab-Israeli war as victims of
"ethnic cleansing" - was obtained yesterday by The Jerusalem Post. The
document is slated for final approval by the conference's preparatory committee
when it convenes in Geneva on July 30 for the last time ahead of the late August
"World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia,
and Related Intolerance" to be held in the South African port city of
Durban.
Following are clauses that relate to Israel and Zionism:
Clause 25, listed in a section entitled "Ethnic cleansing, genocide,
slavery, and similar crimes," reads:
"We affirm that a foreign occupation founded on settlements, its laws based
on racial discrimination, with the aim of continuing domination on the occupied
territory, as well as its practices, which consist of reinforcing a total
military blockade, isolating towns, cities, and villages under occupation from
each other, totally contradict the purposes and principles of the Charter of the
United Nations and constitute a serious violation of international human rights
and humanitarian law, a new kind of apartheid, a crime against humanity and a
serious threat to international peace and security."
Clause 29, in a section entitled "Victims of racism, racial discrimination,
xenophobia, and related intolerance," begins: "We salute and
acknowledge the memory of all victims of racism, and racial discrimination,
xenophobia, and related intolerance, slavery, and slave trade, colonialism.
Items where there is still disagreement among delegates refer both to the
Holocaust and to "ethnic cleansing of the Arab population in historic
Palestine."
There are also references to "racial discrimination against the
Palestinians as well as other inhabitants of the Arab occupied territories"
and a call for the cessation of such practices.
The draft of Clause 55, on which there are also conflicting opinions, reflects
deep concern at the worldwide increase in anti-Semitism and "the increase
of racist practices of Zionism... as well as the emergence of racial and violent
movements based on racism and discriminatory ideas, in particular, the Zionist
movement, which is based on racial superiority."
Israeli and American diplomats, as well as Jewish groups such the
Anti-Defamation League, have been lobbying delegates to the conference to try to
make sure the resolution does not include the clauses hostile to Israel.
Deputy Foreign Minister Michael Melchior, who will be representing Israel
at the event and who is spearheading Israels fight against the
anti-Semitic and anti-Zionist proposals, convened a conference in London
yesterday of some 60 Jewish leaders from around the world to discuss the
proposals and how best to lobby against them.
The proposals, said Melchior, undermine the legitimacy of the State of
Israel and even the existence of Judaism. By using words like genocide in
relation to settlements, and by criticizing the Law of Return as an absolute
evil, the proposals cheapen what is truly evil," he added.
"If to build an apartment in Gilo is genocide, if the Law of Return is
racism and apartheid, the expressions of absolute evil are watered down. If all
is genocide, then nothing is genocide," Melchior said.
In addition to delegitimizing Israel and Zionism, Melchior said, "the
proposals also attempt to delegitimize Jewish death and suffering of the
past," by lumping anti-Semitism with a variety of other
"phobias."
"I don't mind condemning Islamophobia, but you can't compare it with
anti-Semitism - they are two different phenomena," he said.
"It resurrects the Zionism-Racism issue in a way that brings back the bad
old days, suggests that the deep hostility and hatred toward Israel is an
ongoing feature of the international landscape," said Jess Hordes, director
of the ADL's Washington office. "And it really hijacks a conference that
should be devoted to addressing the real and serious problems of racism and
xenophobia."
The US is also opposed to parts of the resolution that would reinforce claims by
African Americans and African nations demanding reparations from countries that
were involved in the slave trade in the 18th and 19th centuries.
US Secretary of State Colin Powell met last month with UN High Commissioner for
Human Rights Mary Robinson, who will chair the week-long conference, which opens
August 31.
Powell, who has not yet decided whether he will attend, informed senators at a
committee hearing that he told Robinson he is anxious to see strong US
participation in the conference, but some serious work had to be done to
eliminate such issues as a Zionism-is-racism proposition, or dealing with
slavery and compensation and other matters which would detract from the purpose
of the conference.
The dispute is the latest rough spot in US-UN relations. Earlier this year, the
US was voted off a UN human rights body and America has in the past withheld its
payment of UN dues. Diplomatic sources in Washington say if the resolution
passes in its current form, Congress could move again to deny those payments.
1-
Jerusalem Post, 4-7-2001.