| by John Cornelius
August/September 1997, pgs. 18-20 |
In trying to unravel the puzzle of why Britain issued the Balfour Declaration,
perhaps the first need is to establish that a puzzle really exists. It
has been suggested that it can all be explained by money, but I find this
hard to accept. At least two statements lead one to believe that the true
reason for the issuance of the Balfour Declaration remains hidden. The
first is a statement to Parliament in 1922 by Winston Churchill, then colonial
secretary, that it should not be thought that, in the Balfour Declaration,
Britain gave something to the Jews for which she received nothing in return.
The second is Fromkin's statement that, in his memoirs, written in the
1930s, Lloyd George says that he issued the Balfour Declaration in gratitude
for Weizmann's contributions in wartime acetone production. Fromkin calls
this fiction. Usually when people tell lies, it is for the purpose of concealing
the truth.
A possibility that should be considered is that Britain issued the
Balfour Declaration in exchange, not for something she hoped would happen
in the future, but for something that had already happened in the past.
If we look back a few months before the time of the Balfour Declaration
we find an event of extreme value to Britain America's entry into the war.
What I suggest is that the Balfour Declaration was a reward to the Zionists
for their part in having brought the United States into the First World
War at Britain's side.
To test this hypothesis we must ask what actually did bring the U.S. into the war. Long-term anti-German propaganda by the British certainly helped to set the stage. But there is little doubt that the actual trigger was the publication of the so-called Zimmermann Note or Zimmermann Telegram. This was a message sent on Jan. l6, 1917, by the German foreign minister, Arthur Zimmermann, via the German ambassador in Washington, to the German minister in Mexico City. It stated that Germany planned to begin unrestricted submarine warfare (meaning not restricted to British ships though still restricted to a war zone around the British Isles) on Feb. 1, that Germany would attempt to keep America neutral, but that should that attempt fail and war become inevitable, the German minister should propose a formal German-Mexican alliance to the Mexican president. One of the aims of the alliance would be the restoration of Mexican sovereignty over Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona.
The mere fact that the Zimmermann Note was sent had no effect whatever on America's going to war. At no time did the German government want war with America, and the Zimmermann Note represented no change. It only represented contingency planning. Had it remained secret, and had America remained neutral, it would never have come into play.
What did have a dramatic effect was that the note was made public. Let
us see how this came about.
Accepted history is that the Zimmermann Note was sent encrypted on
Jan. 16, 1917, intercepted by the British and subsequently decoded. In
late February the text was given to the U.S. Embassy in London. It was
transmitted to Washington and was released to the press on March 1. An
uproar followed in the press and in Congress, leading to a declaration
of war against Germany on second voyage on which it docked in New London,
CT on Nov. 1, 1916. Code 13040 was a simpler and rather old code. It was
probably used because the German legation in Mexico City did not possess
code 7500.
Friedman and Mendelsohn emphasize that code 7500 was very difficult to decipher both intrinsically, and because it was a new code and the British would have had little material in that code with which to work. They nevertheless conclude that the British would have been able to read the original Berlin-to-Washington Zimmermann Telegram (ZT) but only partially. They cite reasons for believing that the British could not have read the telegram completely, but none for believing that they could have read it at all. Perhaps they consider it self-evident.
Since they apparently never laid eyes on the original ZT, it is difficult to see how Friedman and Mendelsohn could have reached the conclusion that the British could have read it. One of the channels used to transmit the original ZT was one provided by the State Department via the U.S. Embassy in Berlin, so a copy of it should have been in State Department files, yet Friedman and Mendelsohn report that a "most diligent search" failed to locate it.
It must have been there at one time. It is unlikely that it was lost by accident, so it seems likely that someone removed it. We do not know who, but we can guess why. A careful examination of the original ZT by cryptographic experts would probably have raised serious doubts that the British would have been able to decipher it.
Let us now use our chronology to put together a picture of what must have happened in late 1916 and early 1917. Chaim Weizmann's autobiography for this period makes interesting reading, especially if one keeps in mind the dates of the ZT.
One statement Weizmann makes is that in 1916 the German government approached German Zionists with the suggestion that they might serve as intermediaries in peace negotiations with the British. He states that some preliminary contacts were made but that ultimately they came to nothing. One cannot help wondering whether they came to nothing because the Zionists wanted them to come to nothing. It would certainly seem that there would have been nothing for Zionism in a negotiated end to the war.
In any case, in our picture, the ZT was sent on Jan. 16, 1917. It was intercepted by the British, but they were unable to decipher it. Once the British Zionists obtained the original plain-language text of the ZT, they would have done two things. First, they would have contacted like-minded people in America to obtain a copy of the ZT as sent from Washington to Mexico. And second, they would have provided the British with the gist of the telegram and informed them that they might be able to get an exact copy and help bring America into the war provided Britain agreed to an eventual Jewish homeland in Palestine.
It should be noted that the text of the original ZT differed slightly from that of the version forwarded to Mexico. The British at first (in late February) claimed only to have obtained the second, Washington-to-Mexico, version of the ZT, having obtained it in Mexico. Later, however, they allowed it to be discovered that they possessed both versions. Thus, rather than announcing it themselves, the British allowed others to conclude, erroneously in my opinion, that the British had succeeded in deciphering the original ZT.
There would have been nothing for Zionism in a negotiated end to the war.
On Feb. 1, Germany began unrestricted submarine warfare, and on Feb. 3, the U.S. broke off diplomatic relations with Germany.
On Feb. 16, the expelled German Ambassador, Count Bernstorff, went into what was essentially British captivity when his ship entered Halifax harbor.
The next day, on Feb. 17, 1917, the "first full-dress conference leading to the Balfour Declaration" took place in London. At that meeting a formal agreement would have been signed by both the British and the Zionists, the terms of the Balfour Declaration would have been agreed to, and it would have been agreed that Britain would formally issue the Balfour Declaration within some specified period of time. On their side, the Zionists would have handed to the British the exact text of the original Berlin-to-Washington ZT and also a copy of the encrypted telegram sent by Bernstorff to Mexico City, this having been obtained, perhaps in Mexico, but more likely from the files of Western Union in Washington, DC by bribery, if necessary.
The British would have immediately gone to work deciphering the Washington-to-Mexico ZT and fabricating a convincing story of how their agents had obtained a copy of this telegram in Mexico and how they had, after great effort, succeeded in deciphering it. By Feb. 26 this story was ready, and the text of the ZT was cabled to the State Department.
The next day, on Feb. 27, Bernstorff's ship was allowed to leave Halifax. Had the British required another 3 or 4 days to get their story in order, Bernstorff's ship would presumably have been held up another 3 or 4 days.
On April 6, 1917 the U.S. declared war on Germany, and on Nov. 2, the British issued the Balfour Declaration.
The details of the above story may be rather complicated, but at bottom, it would have been a matter of a simple trade: America-at-war for Palestine.
Parts of this story are, of course, not proven, but to my mind it explains
too much not to be essentially true. Several things, otherwise rather mysterious,
that it explains are as follows:
1) First and foremost, it provides a simple and reasonable explanation
of why the British government issued the Balfour Declaration.
2) It explains how the British were able to obtain the verbatim
text of the Zimmermann Telegram although it was sent in a code that the
Germans were confident the British would be unable to crack.
3) It explains why the "first full-dress conference leading
to the Balfour Declaration" took place the day after the expelled German
ambassador, Count Bernstorff, sailed into virtual captivity in Halifax,
and why Bernstorff's ship was allowed to sail from Halifax the day after
the text of Zimmermann Telegram was cabled from London to Washington.
4) It explains why Chaim Weizmann was initially startled on
learning of the Sykes-Picot agreement, whose terms were incompatible with
the Balfour Declaration, in April 1917 seven months before the Balfour
Declaration was issued.
5) It explains what Winston Churchill was referring to when
he stated, in 1922, that it should not be thought that the Balfour Declaration
was something that Britain gave away and for which it received nothing
in return.
6) It explains why the original enciphered text of the Zimmermann
Telegram, sent from Berlin to Washington, is now nowhere to be found.