On the eve of Tuesday 11 November 1997, a group of ultra orthodox Jews along with Israeli Defense Minister, Yitzhak Mordechai, were celebrating a certain Jewish holiday at Rachel's Tomb close to the Bilal Ibn Rabah mosque. Clashes broke out be-tween the Israeli army and a group of young Palestinians. The Israeli army used tear gas canisters and rubber bullets to disperse the Palestinian demonstrators. Ali Al Jawarish, 7 years old, whose house was close to the site, was leaving the house when one of the soldiers took aim 15 meters away and fired a shot which settled in the boy's head. Ali was left twisting in pain and swimming in his own blood. The Israeli army left the boy without attendance and did not call the ambulance. He was later transferred to Beit Jala hospital by a group of Palestinians.

This may sound like an ordinary story. However, the story took a different turn a few days later. Ali was transferred to Al Makassed hospital but the hospital was not equipped for this kind of surgery and it was decided that the boy should be transferred to Hadas-sah hospital which refused to admit him. He was later admitted to the Ramallah hospital and then the next day taken back to Hadassah. Ali was kept under intensive care until he died on 15 Nov. 1997.

The family decides to donate his organs:
Despite the cold murder of the Palestinian boy, his parents decided to donate the child's organs. When the boy's father was asked whether he would donate the organs to a Jew, his answer was that he did not mind at all. Yossi Shafal, the hospital's spokesman said that the Jawarish family should be deeply thanked for their position especially under the difficult circumstances of the event. He added that the organs would be equally distributed among Jews and Arabs alike in accordance with need and necessity. The events of the story touched the hearts of people. Knesset members visited the family to offer their condolences and thank the family for their decision. Some of the Knesset members denounced the murder and requested the indictment of the soldier who shot the boy. The Israeli Minister of Health tried to convince the family to allow him to travel to Beit Safafa to condole them, but the family refused and asked the Minister to come to their house in Aida Refugee Camp. The minister refused.

"People are people":
Israeli media was shocked by the news of the donation. The well circulated Yidiot newspaper published the statements of the father of the child saying : "My son is dead, why don't I do something for other children? Perhaps my son will save the lives of other children. I don't care whether they are Moslems, Christians, or Jews. People are people." Organ transplants were carried out for two Arab Israelis.

Ali and his friends were planning to go to Bethlehem unaware of the demonstration that erupted close to them. All the other children ran away except Ali. He did not understand what was going on. According to a report by Btselem human rights organization, Ali was shot from a distance of 15 to 20 meters. The target had been selected in advance. The site was empty and the clashes had calmed down but the soldiers left the place and left the boy stretched on the ground. He was later transferred to a nearby hospital in a private car.

The Btselem report indicated that 275 children less than 16 years have been shot dead by Israeli soldiers in the last 10 years, 38 of which were shot after the Declaration of Principles in 1993. Other findings of the report show that 25 children have died by rubber bullets since the outbreak of the Intifada.¨ back to contents

Netanyahu has issued 34 orders to support and implement various settlement projects in dif-ferent parts of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, since his assumption of power in mid 1996 up to October 1997. The Israeli Government has accred-ited all the plans and decisions presented through his office and through other formal and informal settling centers, including the Ministry of Housing, the Ministry of Infrastructure and other extremist settler bodies. An estimated budget of one billion and one hundred million Shekels have been allo-cated for the projects, spread over the West Bank including East Jerusalem. Moreover, an estimated 300 million Shekels have been allocated for emer-gency and security plans for the settlers and settle-ments in what came to be called the plan of "Hot burning iron".

It is precisely during this period that Palestinian territory has been under fire, with tens of thousands of dunums of land confis-cated in the savage raid. The Israeli Government has never before waged such a barbaric and com-prehensive raid, orchestrated in a confrontational manner with time to change the realities on the ground and impose the policy of status quo for the final settlement.

Netanyahu's decisions, which have been gradually revealed in 3 large settlment plans, reflect per-haps the most dangerous element in this campaign. Decisions and orders issued by the military estab-lishment of Beit El, which are meant to confiscate land and ethnically cleanse any Palestinian pres-ence, also contribute to this campaign. These plans and projects indicate the implementation of an adapted Allon plan, originally envisioned in the seventies. These are in contradiction to the inter-national agreements and spirit of the current peace process.

What are these decisions and plans and what are their final objectives? This report will try to answer some of these questions.

Ilan Biran issued military order # 378/S1/96 on 27 February 1997, a few days before he re-signed his position as Military Commander of the central region. The order demanded the confisca-tion of 750,000 dunums of the most fertile land in the West Bank, located across the Green Line and extending from the north west of Jenin to the south east of Hebron. A large portion of this land is located in C area, but a good portion also falls within B area, which is under Palestinian control. It is comprised of a number of villages and small towns, adjacent to the Green Line. Fortunately, the Biran order has been suspended until further notice, because of Pal-estinian complaints. However, according to local experts and specialists, this breathing period is only temporary and due to change. The gradual imple-mentation of the order has been proceeding on the ground, despite the order being frozen and whilst the media has been preoccupied by negotiations. Uzi Dayan, another military commander, has is-sued tens of other military orders that support this process.

The essence of the matter:
The Biran order includes the following:

• The prevention of any person staying in this military closed zone, without special permits from the commander.
• It is not valid for Israeli citizens
• It include bypass roads # 2, 50, 35, 55, 57, 60, 66, 90, 267, 375, 427, 443, 444, 446, 455, 465, 505, 557, 574, 584, 585, 596.
• It will be called S1/96 and will take effect from the date of signing.

LAW supervised a special team, which conducted a thorough study and reached the following conclu-sions:

• The land included in the Biran order comprises 750,000 dunums, mainly located on the borders of the Green Line, 22% of which falls within the B area while the rest is within the C area.
• The width of the closed region is estimated up to 10 kilometers.
• The order implies the confiscation and annexation of 29 large Arab villages, 33 small villages, 4 main Bedouin sites and 27 agricultural paths.
• Staying within or entering these areas requires special permission from the military, as though it is part of the land of Israel.

The Governorate of Hebron as a model :
We will describe part of the Hebron Gov-ernorate, which has been included in the order, to clarify the danger of the matter.

The area of the Hebron Governorate is es-timated at 1,600,000 dunums, excluding those ar-eas that were confiscated by the Israeli Gov-ernment after 1967. The Biran order includes the closure of 190,000 dunums of the total area, ex-tending from Jaba' village in the north west, to the villages of Tarqoumia, Nuba and Jamroura in the west and stretching to the borders of the Dead Sea in the south. The closed area is estimated to be 44.50 square kilometers from the west and 147 square kilometers from the east. The closed area comprises 17.27% of the total of the Governorate.

The following closure orders were issued in 1994-95:

• Order # S1/95 covering 14 square kilometers from the Tarqoumia village.
• A further order for the closure of 175 square kilometers on the eastern part of the Governorate.

The total closed area, including these two orders, accounts for 34% of the total Hebron area. This percentage, however, does not include the confiscated areas on which the settlements were actually erected.

The following is a list some of the names of villages and sites that are directly affected b Clo-sure order # 387.

• West of Sureef including Adeir, Tawas, Attous, Karbin, Arasm and Abu Shoke, west of Nuba.
• The land of Beit Ulla; including Ras Al Jora, Beit Nasib, Beit Lam, Nisf Al Gharbieh, Um Al Khanazeer, Za'touka and Arasm.
• The land of West Ithna; including Anaka, Rasm Nofal, Ghabraka and the Ithna valley.
• The land of western Dura; including Beit Marsam, Abu Sahwela, Beit Aroush Al Foka and Atihta, Sikka, Beit Awa, Deir Al Assal Atihta and Al Foka, Al Burj, Im Baghla, Martina, Firjas, Rasm AL Humus, Basateen and Al kom.
• The southern parts of Atahiria; including Innab Al Kabira, Isseila, Deir Al Hawa, Deir Saida, Deir Al Maghawi, Al Jabiri, Treet and Dimona.
• All the Ramadeen sites, which numbers 3000 people.
• The southern parts of Asamou'; including Ghwein Al Foka, Al Kharaba, Ras Sha'b Al Ghadir, Al Fatha, Al Makoud, Tiran Al Khrou', Im Sira and Arajwa.
• The eastern parts of Yatta; including Mneizel and Sahho, Atawafi, Harbat Anabi, Jibna, Bayyar Al Abeed, Al Kuweis, Al Musafara, Ataban, Im Zaitouna, Al Hatalin, Im Zaitouna, Al Fakir, Um Kheir, Lasifer valley, Anajada, Wadi Kheir, Al Kaabna site, Asaraia sites, Im Dasraj and As-saraya'.

Military order # 378 inflicts damage on the land and people, but the gravest danger is the annexation of large portions of land as part of Israel, which includes the following:

• Half the area of the village of Fokeen, including large portions of its western side, the western parts of Nahalin village, the western parts of Beit Jala, the whole of Batir village and some parts of Al Khader village on the outskirts of Bethlehem.
• The western parts of the village of Beit Surik, Beit Iksa, Biddo, the whole of Katanna, the west-ern parts of Beit Likya, Beit sira, Na'lin, Kibya, Rantees, Khirbet Misbah, Budreese, the whole of Midya and parts of the village of Beit Annan in the outskirts of Ramallah.
• The villages of Azoun, Beit Amin, Habla, Flamia, Ras Attieh, the whole of Ashukr village, parts of Kufur Jimal, Deir Ballout, Rafat, the outskirts of Nablus and Kalkilya.
• The villages of Zeita, Nazlet Issa, Khibet Jarrad, Faroun, Bartaa', Ataibeh, Anin, the whole of Ru-mana, parts of Hgarb Shweika, Anazla Ashakia, Rihan, Wartah and part of the outskirts of Toul-karem and Jenin.

Post-Biran settling procedures: Current Netanyahu-Sharon plans
In spite of the suspension of the Biran or-der, Israeli authorities have been issuing numerous military orders to ensure the implementation of the previous order. These have then been fragmented into seemingly 'small' projects, mostly concen-trated on the green line in the B&C areas.

The following is a summary of the most important decisions and orders:

• The Israeli Higher Planning Council in Beit El has issued order # 902 declaring 19 projects. These demand the confiscation of 6900 dunums of land, west of Ramallah, inn order to establish bypass roads and road # 45 to connect Lod airport with Attarot airport in Jerusalem. Project # 435 is in-tended to expand the settlements north of Bethlehem. Project # 504 is to establish stone quarries in the Athahirieh area. Projects # 515, 513, 511, 510 and 516 are intended for industrial zones. Projects # 521 and 525 are also intended for indus-trial zones in the Hebron, Nablus, Jeni, and Toulkarem areas.
• Israeli bids have been estimated to number 54.
• The Central Regional Commander, Uzi Dayyan, has issued 77 military orders to implement various projects in the West Bank. All orders relate to land closure, confiscation and prevention of Arab con-struction.
• An estimated 780 assaults have been recorded on people located within areas included in the infa-mous Biran order. The Israeli army, Planning Council officials, Keren Kemet officials and settlers have carried out the assaults, that have included confiscation of personal belonging, beatings, spreading poisonous spray, establishing sewage systems, tree uprooting and shooting at people.
• The closure of 17 agricultural roads, previously used to service thousands of dunums of cultivated land.
• The establishment of 21 bypass roads has been accredited.
• Entry to vehicles on 23 bypass roads has been prevented.

The effects of the infamous Biran order:
Firstly, on the political level:

• The closing order is illegitimate because it con-travenes international law and the peace agree-ments.
• The order demonstrates Israel's disregard for the peace process, particularly Article 26 of the Taba agreement, which prevents any changes in Area C and authorities in the Area B.
• The peace agreements demand the maintenance of the Areas B & C, which is clear in Article 14, by demanding the preservation of both cultivated and uncultivated land. Any change in the areas must be agreed and coordinated with the Palestinian coun-terpart.
• One of the main issues of the peace process has been to minimize the use of land for construction and the reallocation of populated land behind the 1967 border. The order gives effect to the annexa-tion of large portions of land inside the green line, which is against the spirit of peace. Special permits will have to be obtained to be able to enter these zones in the future.

Secondly, on the social level,

• 1. The order implies a severance of social ties in the community. The fact that people cannot freely move within their own vicinity will create different social problems, especially with respect to different celebrations or occasions of mourning. This will create two sets of services in the same area, thus affecting social structure and organization.
• It will also affect the educational system and movement of students attempting to pursue educa-tion.

Thirdly, on the economic level,

• The closing of fertile agricultural areas will im-pede the development of agriculture. In some ar-eas, the marketing of products will be severely af-fected.
• It will also affect the animal sector. It will be dif-ficult to rear the cattle in different areas because they will be closed. Officials in the Israeli Planning Council have already orchestrated damage to farms in the areas by denying access to shepherds in cer-tain areas and in some cases, removing cattle.¨

The Nablus municipality is planning to allocate an estimated 1500 dunums of land, taken from Bita, Deir Sharaf and Kablan villages, for an indus-trial zone and a station for water purification, prompting bitter reactions from village residents. President Arafat signed the order.

The landowners have been meeting to decide further action. They demand the abolition of the order because they depend on the products of the land for supporting their families. The Deir Sharaf residents, supported by the village council head, claim that the order was issued 16 months ago and they have questioned its validity on the basis of the delay in its declaration.

The Municipality: The project is for the general good of the entire region.

Adnan Adarhali, Acting Director of the Municipal Committee, said that the purification station would be installed to cater for the surrounding villages of Zawata, Beit Eiba and Dier Sharaf, in addition to the town of Nablus. The municipality will cover the expenses of the first stage of the project, an estimated 4 million German Marks, out of a total cost of 155 million German Marks. Nablus residents, who will have to pay added expenses on their bills, would cover the cost of the power to run the station. He added that the benefit will be to the residents who are located along the pathway of the pipeline and the water can be used for irrigation instead of using the sewage water as is the case now. Adarhali added, that the municipality adopted the project because it was the only municipality large enough to cover all the technical and financial needs.

The project would be divided into eastern and western parts. Priority has been granted to the western part, mainly because 60% to 70% of the sewage is directed towards the west from Nablus. He claimed that reports of taking over 278 dunums of land were exaggerated, because the real area does not exceed more than 155 dunums. He expressed surprise at the protests, claiming that the project would provide beneficial services, like clean water and electricity, for the villages. He also declared that the municipality would compensate the owners for their land, according to market rates. He added that legal procedures, the size of the project and the different stages of planning and implementation had caused the delay in informing people about the project.

Deir Sharaf residents: The place is inappropriate
The Deir Sharaf residents claim that the proposed location for the station is inappropriate, especially as that land is considered to be the most fertile of the inner heights of Palestine and has been used for the cultivation of corn and grains. Dr. Mohammad Abu Safat, head of the village council who holds a Ph.D. in geogra-phy, stated that the council had asked the municipal committee to consider a more appropriate place to install the purifying station. He said the project could be installed in the Bala' area, where most of the land is government property and where more than 20 villages could benefit. Safat believes the project only needs 50 to 60 dunums, therefore the claim for 278 dunums was too much. It is also strictly a private investment by the Nablus municipality.

We are not against the project but...

Abu Safat stated that, during the previous 16 months, the municipality had never consulted with the owners of the land who would be directly affected and that was what most bothered people. He asked if the Deir Sharaf residents were entitled to take over land in Nablus for a project that would be beneficial to the Deir Sharaf people. The 16 months delay offered little chance for legal appeals and therefore generated resentment about the proceedings. He also added that moving the installation a further kilometer away could increase the range of beneficiaries; like Nakoura, Sebastia, Beit Amrein, Bueka, Nisf Jbil, Beit Leed and other neighboring villages.

The industrial zone in Bita and Kabalan:
Faleh Saleh, from the village of Beita, said that he had been working on his land all his life. His brother was shot there, during the Bita clashes in 1988. His son was also shot in one of the fields in 1993. Saleh said that the oil from the olive trees on his land provide the main revenue for the family, which comprises 22 members. He thought that it would be a crime for the municipality to take over the land to which he is psychologically tied and could never let go. He expressed shock about the municipality's choice of his land, because he thought that it was cultivated. He added that the municipality should have selected another location for the project, perhaps uncultivated land. He and other landowners had filed complaints against the order, but they were still waiting for an answer.

A qualified selection of land:
Acting Director of the municipal committee, Adnan Adirihli, said that the project was not only meant to benefit the residents of Nablus, but that it would also be an indispensable project for the West Bank. It was aimed at stopping the random spread of factories in the area, as the project could be considered the nucleus of a future industrial zone. Adirihli added that although he was aware of the negative aspects, there would be other positive benefits from the project.

There have been rumors that the municipality sought the partnership of Israelis, but this is incorrect. The Israelis tried to convince the municipality to establish the project in the "C" area, but that was refused on the grounds that the municipality preferred to keep the project in the Area B, to prevent any Israeli intervention.

The industrial zone would cover an area of 1000 dunums, 250 of which will be allocated for the first stage of the project. The municipality is believed to be seeking a partnership from the private sector for the project. This is where the landowners could obtain benefits from their land, because the municipality could not have possibly convinced the owners of the land on an individual basis. Moreover, the contributing countries could not have waited for that length of time, therefore it was necessary to obtain an agreement and decision in the fastest manner.

Any landowner willing to sell his land will be compensated in cash, according to the market price.

The environmental damage:
Adirihli claimed that most of the industries that would be operating in the zone would not be detrimental to the environment. There would be special conditions to be met by the industries in order to operate. Waste industrial water coming from the factories would have to be purified on the premises, before it is pumped into the purification station. He also added that the industrial zone would include other services for the residents.

Kept in the dark
Head of the village council, Riyad Mustafa, stated that the resident's main concern was their lack of information about the various projects planned for the area. The Al Waqa' newspaper, which published the decision, is only read by 5% of the Palestinian population therefore, it was a coincidence that most people found out about the project. Mustafa was told that the decision was not then formal, when he met with the Director of the Industrial Zones, on 6 November 1997. Adirhili was later shocked to learn that the date of the publication was approximately one month earlier. He stated that the people were expecting the Mayor, Bassam Al Shaka', to discuss the matter with the residents. Instead, the landowners were disregarded and marginalised.

Their reaction was very strong. In a statement issued in the aftermath of the Mayor's visit, the residents of Kablan denounced the process. The Mayor had promised to inform residents of the developments, but never did. The residents of the three villages later wrote to the President. The Kabakan Mayor, however, said that he preferred to wait to see which portions of land would be taken over.

The Mayor refuses a letter presented by the residents:
The Kabalan and Bita residents claimed that the Mayor had refused to accept a document, signed by 116 landowners, in which they expressed their complaints about the confiscation of their land. The landowners confirmed their support for developing the industry, but expressed their concern about the selection of land cultivated with 20,000 olive trees, whereas other plots of uncultivated land could have been exploited for the project.

A plea by the Kabalan and Bita residents:
The Kabalan and Bita residents issued another statement that included the following;
"We were shocked to find out about the order # 82 demanding the takeover of our land through an article published in the October issue of the Al-waqa' magazine. An estimated 1000 dunums will be lost by the landowners if the order is carried out for the benefit of an industrial zone. We think that the President granted the order, due to the tireless efforts of the municipality to convince him of the necessity of the project. We believe, however, that the President would not have granted permission if he had known that the land was cultivated. Unfortunately, the order was issued without consultation or notification to the landowners. The Mayor of Nablus had visited the villages and assured the people of the importance of their approval. He stated that the project was still in its primary stages, so they would be informed about any developments, but unfortunately this never occurred. The decision was taken in favor of the municipality without the least consideration for the interests of the landowners.
The land in question is our land. We inherited it from our ancestors. We earned it and have taken care of it with our hard work. We will protect and preserve it. No one can take it from us by force.
We plead to the President to withdraw the order from our land, which is both cultivated and populated and to find a substitute. Hundreds of families eat from the fruits of this land. Please do not deprive us of this right."¨back to contents

The Palestinian security services have committed grave human rights violations against Palestinians who work in the media and in some cases have hindered freedom of expression simply because they publish viewpoints that differ from the mainstream opinion of the PNA. The results have led to many questions which need to be answered in order to secure the future of Palestinian media.

Questions raised include:

• How serious is the PNA to allow freedom of expression and what is the range of freedom allowed for this expression?
• How does this freedom endanger national security?
• Who is responsible for the examination of media?
• How does the media inform people of their rights?
• Why are certain newspapers banned despite their licensing by the Ministry of Information?
• How valid is the argument that the freedom of the media cannot be allowed in the lack of national sovereignty?

What kind of media?
Freedom of thought and expression, and the right to obtain and exchange information are all supported by media. Palestinian media faces a double challenge. On one hand, it is preoccupied with challenging the Israeli media which by its very nature supports human rights violations. On the other hand, it is dedicated to the enforcement and the strengthening of the PNA without consideration of opposition political factions and various other institutions or opinions. This creates a media that is far removed from reality and incapable of meeting political and national aspirations. This is demonstrated in the official media such as the Wafa and PBC where the opposition opinion is blocked and never shown to the public. These characteristics are very similar to other Arab media where the mainstream policies are prioritized and favored.

The gravest mistake that the PNA has committed was the attempt to treat the media badly and in some cases as an opponent. One of the things that contributed to this animosity was the detention of some reporters and the closure of some newspapers especially those of the opposition. This has reinforced Israeli media and ratings show that the number of viewers of Israeli TV has increased while the confidence in Palestinian media has decreased. The Israeli media has become the primary source of information for Palestinians. This is endangering national interest and security.

There are two main reasons for the retreat of Palestinian media in the wake of the Oslo agreements.

Subjective factors:

• Weak structural organization of the media and the lack of boldness.
• The absence of a media union that protects and unifies workers' actions.
• Overlap of media and factional interests.
• The absence of public opinion that can influence decision making

Objective factors:

• The security service crackdown on media workers.
• Poor legislation and the delay in the adoption of the law of publication
• The closure of the opposition papers
• The absence of a clear cut policy regarding the nature of the relationship between the media and the PNA.

Suspended laws:
Article 14 of the Palestinian constitution for the transitory period demands that "every Palestinian is entitled to express his opinion within the framework of law that restricts slander, preserves others' rights, and protects national security." Moreover, it seeks to strengthen the general system, the general interest, and the general moral situation. Article 16 dictates that freedom of press is sponsored and supported by the provisions of Article 14. The Law of Publication of 1995 states that "Press and publication are granted freedom, in addition to freedom of expression for every Palestinian who is entitled to freely express what he feels in oral or written forms in the different media."

The Law of Publication contains various articles and provisions that need further clarification. For example, the law has not referred to a definition of censorship leaving the term to be defined by reporters through some kind of self censorship.

However, Article 37 prohibits the publication of classified information about the police, and the security services. A penalty is imposed on whoever breaks the law. The punishment may range between a fine or imprisonment for 3 months. This Article has resulted in controversy as the nature of classified information was not defined. In some cases, the court forces reporters to disclose their sources but guarantees simultaneously their right to withhold their sources.

In further comments, the Palestinian Center for Human Rights has expressed some reservations about the law of publication:

• The law was based on the assumption that media should be restricted.
• In some cases, the provisions of the law are more strict than the law of publication # 12 of 1933.
• The terms, provisions, and the wording of the text of the law has left space for interpretation and controversy.
• There is an absence of a specialized court.
• The inability to resolve the inherent contradictions with other overlapping laws
• The law has disregarded issues that may keep up with the pace of development in the field of media.
• The law will present large problems in due process. More time should have been given to examine the practicality of its provisions.
• There is an absence of an appendix to help understand some of the provisions.
• The question of the law's validity. Is it for the transitory stage or is it a permanent law ?

With all the interpretations and the injustices inherent in this and other laws, they are more than often abused by different officials and security apparatuses. This demands action. Reporters will not be able to defend human rights without a legal shield that may protect them in case they face trouble.

Recommendations:
The most appropriate solution for the media is "a democratic media system" dedicated to the provision of information and the protection of human rights. Following are some of the recommendations that may enhance the work of media and enforce the rights of media workers.

• The formation of an organization (Reporters for the Protection of Human Rights) which will include reporters, human rights activists, and media people. The organization's main job will be to strengthen the concepts of human rights, monitor violations, and raise awareness of people.
• Presenting a media policy on the basis of equity, freedom and democracy.
• Exploitation of technology to provide people with information exchange.
• Involving the private sector in the formation of the Palestinian News Agency to avoid the restrictions of the official media circles.
• Minimizing and objectifying the impact of official media circles on people within the framework of national interest.
• Training media people in the field of human rights
• Avoid personal interests at the expense of collective interest.
• Drawing lines between media freedom and media morality.
• Reviewing the law of publication on the legislative level to include observance of human rights
• Reopening the closed newspapers and avoiding the detention of reporters.¨

Officials at the Ministry of Education have refused to meet with the delegation of the Teachers Steering Committee. The delegation was supposed to hand them a document demanding an increase in salaries and the formation of a teachers' union. Following is the statement:

Minister of Education, Reference: Teachers' demands

Years have passed while the poor conditions of teachers have not changed. Months have passed while our demands have been ignored.

When the teachers called off their strike on 27 April 1997, they hoped that the PNA would meet their demands in a speedy manner especially after numerous promises by high ranking officials. The teachers expected that a special committee would be formed to follow up their case. Unfortunately, the file has been closed and responses to their demands ignored.

There are no secrets about the sad and difficult times that we are living through. The cost of living is soaring, our salaries depreciating, and compensations are non-existent. We are not trying to win your sympathy - this is a fact. We address you as responsible people. We demand your support in our just cause. We have suffered enough and we continue to suffer today. Following are our demands :

• A decent increase in salaries and linking them with the cost of living
• The establishment of a union that can defend teachers' rights. Demand for this union has been supported by most people in the profession, but the PNA has disregarded the demand.
• Security of the teaching profession and permission for the teachers to defend and obtain their rights and demands.

The steering committee would like the PNA to respond to these demands or else a strike will be declared. However, the committee is confident that the PNA will respond positively to these demands. The committee wishes that it will not be pushed to take inappropriate steps that will jeopardize both its position and that of the PNA. The committee asks for a constructive dialogue.

In The wake of the Ministry's refusal to receive the above document, the steering committee had this statement to deliver to the public:

"There is a general consensus among all national activists, human rights organizations, NGOs, and various unions demanding the PNA respond and respect our just demands and raise of our salaries. The steering committee held a meeting and decided to deliver a letter to the PNA. However, upon arrival at the Ministry, officials refused to meet with us to explain our demands and hand them the letter.

The committee also wrote to the General Audit Unit and the Human Rights Watch Commission at the Legislative Council demanding their support to pass a legislation demanding the establishment of a union.

The committee hailed the news of amendments suggested by the President last summer demanding the following :

• Amending the retirement system
• Integrating the teaching profession in the overall social structure.
• Implementing a process of teacher promotion

The committee intended to declare a strike at the beginning of the year, but refrained from doing so at the public's request to consider their difficult circumstances.

After hearing the news for preparations of protests by teachers, the security services have asked many of the heads of teachers' committees to report to them about their activities. Such procedures are deplored. It would have been better to contribute to the resolution of the problem instead of complicating matters.

The committee will persevere in demanding a fair and just solution to your problems. We will never tire in our attempts and we fight until the end. We still demand a constructive dialogue with the PNA."¨ back to contents
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