After a nearly three-month lull in the peace process, the Palestinian Authority and Israel agreed to reactivate the joint Palestinian-Israeli liaison committees that follow up on implementation of the peace agreements.
The two sides agreed to the move during a meeting between PA Civil Affairs Minister Jamil Tarifi and Israeli coordinator of the Palestinian territories Gen. Oren Shahor on 14 August.
Both Tarifi and Shahor hailed the agreement as a major step forward for the peace process, describing it as the resumption of negotiations between the two sides.
PLO Negotiations Department head Hasan Asfour, however, was less enthusiastic about the move, insisting that it did not constitute the resumption of negotiations since the committees are only responsible for working out the implementation of agreements and not negotiating new agreements. Asfour added that the final status negotiations, which began in May, are still frozen.
The reactivation of the committees comes as Israel prepares to submit a proposal to the Palestinian leadership for the revision of the PLO-Israeli agreement on Israeli redeployment from Hebron. Although Israeli political and military officials have been conducting an intense debate on how to alter the agreement to maintain greater Israeli authority in Hebron and give settlers living in the center of the city more room to expand their settlement, Palestinian officials insist that they are not willing to renegotiate the terms of the redeployment.
Palestinian officials are expressing frustration with the new right-wing Israeli government, charging it with grossly violating the peace agreements in all areas, and particlarly security and economic matters. They also accuse the new government of insensitivity with regard to Palestinian attitudes toward peace with Israel.
PLO Executive Committee member Mahmoud Abbas said that there is a real danger that the people of Gaza will rise up in arms against the PA and Israel if economic conditions continue to deteriorate due to the Israeli closure of the Palestinian territories and other Israeli-imposed economic constraints.
"Any person who seeks to guarantee security and coexistence must help provide the people with an acceptable standard of living," said Abbas during an interview with the Israeli media, adding that unemployment in Gaza has reached 55 to 60 percent.
Abbas also stressed the importance of maintaining progress in the negotiations. He said that if the peace process reaches an intractable impasse, Palestinian President Yasser Arafat may simply step down as leader of the Palestinian people, announcing his inability to take the Palestinian cause forward.
"I don't want to think of a moment like this and I hope it never comes," said Abbas. Many Palestinian leaders and intellectuals speculate that if Arafat dies or loses power at this juncture, a Palestinian civil war might ensue as a result of the immense power vacuum that would result.
Abbas added that if the peace process fails, "we may be the last generation of Palestinians that believes in peace... the word `peace' may become a bad word."
The Legislative Council used its 17th session, held in Ramallah on 14-15 August, to discuss the reports submitted by its own Investigation Committee, and by the Ministerial Commissions and the Joint Cabinet-Executive Committee meeting, concerning the violent incidents in Nablus and Tulkarem three weeks ago.
But the Council could not agree on recommendations based on the reports, and decided to wait for the special government report on the incidents in order to include it in their discussion.
The Council ended its first reading of the Palestinian Basic Law on 15 August. Speaker Ahmad Qrei' said the Council ratified the law after the first reading, except for the introduction. The Law is intended to serve as the Palestinian constitution.
A day earlier, there was heated debate about the law and article 69, which deals with "special procedures in case the position of PA head becomes vacant", and article 72, which deals with the PA head being a member of the Council and having the right to oppose a decision taken by the Council.It is expected that this discussion will be continued and magnified in the 18th session, underway at press time in Gaza. The Council has been increasingly concerned with questions of jurisdiction of the Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary authorities.
Some leading Council members, especially those identified with the independent opposition, are privately expressing complete disgust with the workings of the Council, and with the disregard the Executive Authority (ie, Arafat and his inner circle) have for the decisions and recommendations of the Council.
"I don't know why they bothered to elect us," one prominent member said off the record after last week's meeting. "We have no effect anyway."
In an interview with the local press last week, PA Justice Minister Freih Abu Middein blamed the six-month old Council for the situation, saying the Council has not passed any laws to regulate authority. The Council has instead become a center for receiving petitions and complaints, he said, and has not occupied itself with the crucial business of legislation.
The death of a man in a Palestinian prison last week has rekindled indignant questions on the practices of Palestinian security services.
The most recent death, of 66-year-old Khaled Habal from the village of Kharbata near Ramallah on 10 August, marks at least the tenth death of a prisoner in Palestinian security forces custody since the PA took control in the self-rule areas over two years ago. The PA says he committed suicide.
In the village of Kharbata to the west of Ramallah, a family feud over the ownership of a piece of land finally broke into a fist and knife fight early last week. One older woman died in the fight, and the head of the opposing family, Khaled, a farmer and live-stock owner, and his five sons were summoned to the Preventive Security headquarters in Ramallah that evening.
Later that night, all six men were transferred to the Ramallah police station, but two of the sons, Riziq, 28, and Issa, 35, were held in a separate room.
Bassem Eid, a Palestinian human rights activist from Jerusalem, spoke to the two sons after their father's death. Riziq and Issa said they could hear their father and three brothers being beaten in a nearby room, from 11 pm until 4 am the following day. At 8 am on 11 August, several officers entered the two men's room, and informed them that their father had died.
Only on 14 August were the two released, in order to participate in their father's funeral. They have since gone into hiding. The three other sons, Dauod, 30, Jamil, 23, and Walid, 22, remain imprisoned, and have not been seen by any lawyer or any member of their family.
"They are still in prison because they know the truth of how their father died," said Eid. "I am convinced that Khaled Habal was killed by the Palestinian police."
The governor of Ramallah, Mustafa Issa, said on 15 August that Habal had committed suicide by strangulation with a rope; Col. Abu Salah, head of Criminal Investigation in Ramallah, said that Habal had strangled himself with a piece of wire.
"There were signs of beating on his body, on his testicles and arms and back," said Habal's wife, Nuzha, aged 59. "The skin on his neck looked fine, it is impossible that he strangled himself."
Habal's sister, Aisha, six years his junior, said the family's main concern now is to find out who was to blame for his death. "The police are the only ones who know who killed him. He left us alive and well, and he returned from the police station dead."
Eid mused that the truth might never be known. Habal's body was sent to the main Israeli forensic institute in Tel Aviv, Abu Kabir (members of Habal's clan confirmed this), but a special arrangement between the PA and Israeli health ministries, says Eid, prevents the autopsy results of any case transferred to Abu Kabir by the PA police, from being given out to anyone but the PA police themselves.
Habal's wife also believes the PA should grant her husband the status of "martyr of the revolution," which includes life-long compensation for the surviving family, since the Authority's security forces caused the death of the family breadwinner.
Aisha's daughter, Jalila, was concerned with another aspect of her father's death. "Our whole family went up to Ramallah to greet Abu Ammar [Yasser Arafat] when he first arrived" late last year, she said. "The Authority was supposed to come here to help us; instead they are demeaning us and killing us."
Hamas members from Gaza failed to convince their colleagues in the West Bank to abandon military operations against Israel, according to Hamas spokesperson in Amman Ibrahim Ghosheh.
Ghosheh was commenting on recent efforts to unify the positions of Hamas in the Palestinian territories in preparation for broader talks between Palestinian territory-Hamas leaders and those in the Diaspora.
Internal differences within Hamas sprang up last April and May as numerous Hamas leaders, in particular Hamas spokesperson in the Strip Mahmoud Zahhar, urged a suspension of attacks against Israeli targets. Zahhar was quoted as saying that the suicide bombings in Israel in February and March, which were conducted by Hamas' military wing, the Iz a-Din al-Qassam Units, constituted a strategic mistake.
Hamas politburo member Muhammed Nazzal, who is also based in Amman, told local journalists that Hamas' internal dialogue is "very healthy," insisting that the dialogue is not a sign of conflict within the Islamist organization, but evidence of the "different opinions within a sweeping movement."
Nazzal defended Hamas' attacks against Israeli targets, saying that such attacks "fall within the context of the Palestinian cause." He said that Hamas makes "political decisions" whether to conduct a military operation against Israel, and the Qassam Units take care of logistics such as timing and implementation.
Nazzal also said that Hamas is still interested in the dialogue with the Palestinian Authority which broke down in December of last year, prior to Palestinian legislative elections, which Hamas boycotted. Nazzal said that Hamas leaders in the homeland have constant communication with Palestinian officials. However, the resumption of talks between the Hamas leadership in the Diaspora and the PA is possible "depending on the Authority's readiness."
While voicing readiness to engage in dialogue with the PA, Nazzal attacked the PA's attempts at securing national unity, describing them as self-serving. The Hamas leader said that he believes the PA is exploiting the issue of national unity to dupe Palestinian opposition groups into helping the PA stay in power. Nazzal said that this proves the PA's lack of sincerity in pursuing national unity.
Hamas leaders living in the Palestinian territories have been the most fervent supporters of Hamas-PA dialogue in the movement, and have apparently pushed the leadership in the Diaspora to put greater effort into strengthening the often fragile lines of communication between the two sides.
In other Hamas news, Israeli officials are again considering releasing imprisoned Hamas spiritual leader Sheikh Ahmad Yassin. Israeli leaders have openly discussed the possibility of the 61-year-old paraplegic's release for several years, since his death in prison may provoke retaliatory attacks against Israeli targets and touch off violent protests that could weaken the PA's authority in the Palestinian territories.
Israeli officials also point to Yassin's recent gesture of good-will when he revealed the whereabouts of the remains of an Israeli soldier missing for eight years and presumed killed by Hamas.
In a small, narrow sidestreet in Jerusalem, behind a flagged courtyard shaded with vines, the sound of a woman's haunting voice rises over the distant hum of the traffic.
Kamilya Jubran sways at the mike in the recording studio, her voice rising and falling in a bewitching melody, a song of pain, exile and hope.
Kamilya, lead singer with Sabreen, one of Palestine's most successful bands, is rehearsing a track from the band's forthcoming album.
Sabreen's unique blend of classical Arabic and western folk music made them one of the main draws at the recent Ramallah festival. But Sabreen are no new comers to the Palestinian music scene. The band was founded in the early 1980s by musicians who had been playing the wedding band circuit and were looking to create a distinctive Palestinian sound, Kamilya explains.
"We were trying to create a new modern Palestinian sound which reflects us as we are now, with our deep relation to our past but also as we are living now, today."
The band takes its lyrics from Palestinian poets, ancient and modern. Local poet Hussein Barghouti wrote all the lyrics for their most recent album "Here Come the Doves."
In the early days, the band found it hard to produce an album. "We had to go to Tel Aviv because there were no recording studios in Palestine. It was incredibly expensive; we had to sell some of our belongings to pay for it," Kamilya said.
The band's first two albums, "Smoke of the Volcanoes" and "Death of the Prophet" were recorded in Tel Aviv. Both albums sold in excess of 10,000 copies. But there are a lot more than that in circulation.
"We can't fight piracy," said Said Murad, who composes and arranges the band's songs as well as playing the oud and kawal. "We sell our music cassettes at a loss in order to compete with the mass pirated tapes that are on sale here. There is no copyright law to protect us."
Sabreen got their first real taste of success outside the country. At the end of 1989 they went to the US, playing 20 concerts in as many cities in a tour organized by friends in America.
It was around that time that they decided to pack in their day jobs and focus entirely on making music. They had moved from playing only classical instruments like the oud, kawal, tableh, mazhar and duff, to experimenting with western electrical instruments and had reached a synthesis between the two that felt right. Now all they needed was somewhere to produce it.
Their own studio was the answer -- but fully-fitted modern recording studios don't come cheap. So the band embarked on a series of projects to raise money for the studio.
One such project was a series of workshops teaching children to play instruments, producing an accompanying tape and workbook, which was sponsored by UNICEF and the Ford Foundation.
The studio was finished in 1990 and then the band really started to take off. They played at festivals in Egypt, Tunisia, and England. Their first break came in Japan in 1992 when they signed a contract with a Japanese recording company to promote "Death of the Prophet."
In 1994 and 1995 they played several festivals in France and clinched a promotional deal with a French company for "Here Come the Doves."
Their studio is the only professional Palestinian recording studio and is in great demand by local musicians. Sabreen hire it out to other bands, sometimes helping with production.
While they may be one of the best known Palestinian bands abroad, back home they're still taking the future as it comes.
"It depends where we want to go, two months ago I wasn't sure about the future, I wasn't sure that the people here really liked our music -- it doesn't fall into the categories they're used to," said Said. "But after our concerts at the Ramallah Festival, where people went really crazy, I feel a lot more positive."
Being a big success in a small pond can have its disadvantages. "You get knocked by your peers, they sometimes try and talk you down," said Said.
Kamilya agrees: "you have to keep yourself strong, maintain your own equilibrium and not be affected by what they say."
The band pride themselves on being highly professional and expect no less from the people with whom they work. A proposed concert in Gaza had to be turned down because the organizers couldn't meet Sabreen's requirements for staging the event.
"So, we go back and make music in the studio and wait for changes to happen outside," Said said. "And things are changing; the Ramallah Festival is an example of that. They asked us what we needed, we told them, they got it and it was a huge success."
Right now the band is working on their current album, as yet untitled, and looking forward to another tour of Japan next year. Albums are available on CD and cassette from the Sabreen studio; 02-276-604.
Fr. Michel Sabbah is the Roman Catholic Patriarch of Jerusalem and the first Palestinian to hold the position. Here he speaks to the Palestine Report's Muhammed Abed Rabbo about the holy city.
Q. What is your stand, as a religious leader, on sovereignty over Jerusalem?
A. The issue of sovereignty over Jerusalem, in light of the status quo, should be decided based on several factors, including the political (the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) and the religious, whereby the needs of all three monotheistic religions should be taken into consideration. Without taking these factors into consideration, there will be no peace.
Any party which wishes to control Jerusalem on its own, or even try to make other parties feel like minorities, will not contribute to this goal of peace, and Jerusalem will remain in a state of conflict, as it is today.
In my opinion, Jerusalem should be the capital of Palestine, as it is the capital of Israel, and, at the same time, be a spiritual capital of all religions, ensuring members of the three monotheistic religions freedom of travel, and freedom of worship at their holy sites, in all situations, be there peace or war.
Jerusalem today is closed to Palestinians, both Christians and Muslims. The situation today is not a healthy one. Jerusalem should be above all conflicts and hostilities. It is the city of peace and peace-making, and all who live in it should enjoy complete freedom.
Q. There are many suggestions on the future of Jerusalem, including dividing the city, and keeping it as it is now. What is your view on the matter?
A. The most important element in any plan which is adopted is that Jerusalem remains the spiritual capital of all religions, and the capital of the two peoples who live in it. How can this take place? Through division, unification, or a third alternative way? It is not an impossible task.
Q. Even if Abu Dis and Ezariyyah become the Palestinian capital?
A. Jerusalem itself must be the capital, and Abu Dis a part of it. Otherwise, there will be no peace. The practical side of the issue should be decided by the legal and political specialists.
Do not forget that the Knesset building is further away from the center of Jerusalem than is Abu Dis. And West Jerusalem is newly built; it was not in existence until recently, but was built and became part of Jerusalem by force of expansion.
Q. Would you agree to making Jerusalem an international city?
A. Making Jerusalem international was suggested in 1948, and a law was formulated for the purpose, which is still in effect. Because of this law, there are foreign consulates in Jerusalem [in addition to the embassies in Tel Aviv].
But the children of Jerusalem should not be forbidden sovereignty over their city, by submitting the city to an international committee. Jerusalem is in need of a special status, which should be reached by its children, both Palestinians and Israelis. When these two sides agree, their agreement will need international approval.
Q. Through the Israeli Interior Ministry office in East Jerusalem, the Israeli authorities have recently found means of pressuring [Palestinian] Jerusalem residents by confiscating their Jerusalem ID cards. What is the Church's stand on such procedures, and does the local Palestinian church have a way to combat them?
A. The Israeli procedures of confiscating IDs of Jerusalem residents living outside the city's borders, or who work or study abroad, are unjust and unjustifiable, because they rob Palestinians of their rights to their land, homes and properties.
The Church's stand is that it is wrong for the Israeli authorities to practice such policies. If the authorities' aim is to ensure Israeli security, such cruel policies will in fact harm Israeli security more than benefit it. For its part, the Church should take an interest in the daily lives of its people, and educating them on possibilities for their future.
Q. Do you approve of the fatwa issued by the Mufti of Jerusalem, which has forbidden Palestinian Jerusalem residents, who hold Israeli permanent residence, to acquire full Israeli citizenship?
A. We do not go to the extremes of fatwas. But we call on all Jerusalem residents to fulfill their national obligations. The practical steps which the Palestinian Authority is taking regarding Jerusalem, which are supported by the Arab world, are more important than fatwas. People should not only be forbidden from doing something, but should also be given alternatives.
Q. An increase in the emigration of Christian Palestinians from Jerusalem abroad has been noticed in recent years. What do you think is the reason for this?
A. In addition to the political and financial instability in the Holy City, which drives both Christians and Muslims to emigrate, there is social instability, and misunderstandings between the Christian and Muslim communities. Some Christian residents of the city try to run away from this through immigrating to another country. Our suggestion to these people is that emigration might be a solution for some, but it is not a solution for those who are left behind.
[We] must carry the message of this holy land: It is God's wish that we be Christians in the holy land, not any other country. The rest of the world has enough believers; God wishes for us to be believers in this country specifically. This is in fact a blessing from God, for a person to be Christian in the land where Jesus Himself lived and taught, and died and was then risen from the dead.
Q. Have there been any recent changes in the Vatican's stand toward the Palestinian cause, and do you expect the Vatican to take a more active role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
A. The Vatican's position on the Palestinian cause has been clear since 1948. The Vatican's recognition of Israel came after each of the two sides in the conflict recognized the existence of the other. The Vatican also recognizes the Palestinian right to life on and sovereignty over their land, and to freedom and self determination.
The Likud plan to foil the peace process, especially the peace agreements with the Palestinians, will not be, as many believe, by a dramatic announcement of the cancellation of the Oslo accords, or an annulling of all agreements signed by the previous Israeli government, but through a series of procedures that deal with the status quo and with the agreements themselves, aimed at making room for all kinds of conspiracies, behind-the-scenes dealings, and misinterpretations of the agreements.
From the very start, before attaining his current position, newly-elected Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu outlined his future government's policy, saying it would be based first and foremost on enervating the peace agreements with the Palestinians, leaving them devoid of all meaning. Dore Gold [Netanyahu's foreign policy advisor] had volunteered to illustrate this policy through a series of articles published in the Jerusalem Post over the past two years.
Gold's articles, it soon became apparent, made use of the Labor government's attitude to the peace agreements with the Palestinians. On 17 December 1993, only three months after the signing of the Oslo peace accord, Gold wrote, under the title "Rabin becomes a critic of the Olso agreement" that former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin had set a very important precedent, and had shattered the notion that the agreement could not be questioned but must automatically be implemented according to schedule. Rabin had made implementing Oslo conditional on how well Palestinians safe-guarded Israeli security.
Soon after, the Oslo 2 agreement was signed; it fortified this notion, by allowing the construction of settlement bypass roads [The roads are not specifically mentioned in the accord. -- Eds.] resulting in the confiscation of hundreds of acres of Palestinian land, under the pretense of security the settlers's safety. The Oslo agreement's concept of [Israeli military] "withdrawal" from Palestinian areas, became "redeployment" in Oslo 2, just as the agreement for joint control at international Palestinian border points and ports became exclusive Israeli control. In keeping with this spirit, redeployment in Hebron was delayed, withdrawal from "Areas B" and "C" were pushed back, resolving the issue of dividing water resources was deferred to final-status talks, the issue of returning Palestinian displaced persons was ignored, prisoners were not released, Jerusalem remained under closure, the West Bank and Gaza Strip were isolated from each other, and a long list of other violations of the peace accords was begun by the previous Israeli government; it is now being continued by the new Likud-led government.
All the new Israeli government found it had to do was to meet its goal of devitalizing the peace agreement, and preventing the peace process from leading to a Palestinian state or harming Jewish settlements or threatening Jewish sovereignty over Jerusalem, was to continue with these violations the former government had begun. The new government thus, for example, removed a few restrictions formerly imposed on the expansion of settlements in the Palestinian territories, and announced its plan to "fatten" settlements.
It also announced that it intended to grant the settlement bypass roads the status of "settlement infrastructure" and construct hundreds of kilometers of new bypass roads in six main areas, including "Greater Jerusalem", the Green Line, the Jordan Valley and all areas between settlements -- and other areas of strategic interest to Israel.
It seems that this task has been allotted to Ariel Sharon and his new National Infrastructure Ministry, which has been granted a large budget and has become one of the largest Israeli ministries.
The implementation of the new Israeli suggestions for redeployment in Hebron, developed by Defense Minister Yitzhak Mordechai, would be bedeviling the city, while keeping the various divisions under Israeli security control. The new government is also delaying final status negotiations until an unspecified date.
The Palestinians have not only failed to gain tangible benefits from the peace process in political terms, but also in matters of economy; the closure imposed consistently by Israel on the Palestinian territories results in an estimated daily loss of $4-5 million, and unemployment is still on the rise.
Looking at reports such as that by the World Bank, which shows a 12 percent decline in the Palestinian GNP this year, and an eight percent decline last year, the question arises: how much longer can the Palestinians continue to live with such a decline? And how can they continue to support the peace process?
It has become evident that Likud aims, with its policy of enfeebling the peace process, to freeze matters as they are, by arresting the progress of the interim agreement, and defer all interim-phase issues to the final status negotiations. The weakness of the peace process greatly undermines the role and position of the Palestinian Authority; the Palestinians cannot imagine a PA that exists without the peace process.
Allowing the Likud-led government to implement its political plans is one of the most dangerous possible scenarios for the Palestinians. The PA should not make contact with the new Israeli government as long as the latter continues with is expansionist policies, and refuses to recognize the bases of a peace settlement, which are built on the concept of land-for-peace.
The Palestinians' response to the Israeli right-wing policy is long overdue. Perhaps the latest events in Nablus and Tulkarem [where riots broke out in the two cities as a result of the continued detention of opposition members, and the death of two Palestinians at the hands of PA police] are sufficient evidence that conditions cannot continue as they are, and progress in the peace process cannot remain frozen as it is. They are a warning signal that certain political measures must be taken.
The Palestinian Legislative Council has realized the need for such measures and called upon the PA earlier this month to study the possibility of halting peace negotiations with Israel until the Israeli government retreats from its policies of occupation and settlement, and adheres to the signed agreements and implements them according to schedule.
The Council's call is one worth considering, and it would be well within the line to formulate a plan to implement the suggestion if need be. The Council's recommendation should be the basis for Palestinian opposition to Netanyahu's policy.
Bouyed on a tide of returning capital, Ramallah has become the new political and economic center of the West Bank. In the seven months since Israel turned the city over to the Palestinian Authority, new buildings, restaurants, shopping centers, cafes, and stores have sprung up at an amazing rate, while PA ministries and new companies have opened offices in the city.
In the mood of euphoria (and apparent calm) that followed the signing of the Oslo Accords in September 1993, investments began to pour into Ramallah and neighboring El-Bireh, and soared after redeployment in December 1995.
But in the months since, enthusiasm has given way to reluctance and apprehension as the political situation has become ever more dubious.
According to the Ramallah Chamber of Commerce, 669 new businesses have been registered in Ramallah and El-Bireh since December 1995. Salah al-Odeh, secretary-general of the Chamber, explains, however, that such numbers are not entirely accurate since many businesses never register with the Chamber, and he estimates that the number is 30-40 percent higher than the registered numbers.
While the new Palestinian stock exchange will be located in Nablus, al-Odeh confirms Ramallah's central importance in current developments and attributes this to Ramallah's central location and proximity to Jerusalem.
The bulk of the growth in Ramallah is taking place in the service sector. Restaurants, cafes, bakeries, and grocery stores rank highest on the list of new businesses in the area. Next on the list is the construction sector, followed by furniture stores -- 14 new ones have opened in the Ramallah area alone, since Oslo I.
Several investment companies have also been established in the West Bank town. Beit al-Mal is a US$15-million investment enterprise, for which most of the capital has come from Palestinian residents in the Palestinian territories. One of the first endeavors of the investment company was the purchase of lands for the establishment of various projects in the future. This investment company follows Islamic Sharia investment laws, making it one of few in Palestine to do so.
The Palestinian Development and Investment Company, (PADICO), founded two years ago, began with investment capital of US$9 million.
The investment in Ramallah is most notable in restaurants -- where a year ago Ramallah could boast of little more than a pizza parlor, today diners have a choice of almost a dozen eateries. One of the newest additions to the Ramallah scene is Khozama Garden Restaurant, with a scenic hillside setting on the outskirts of Ramallah. Issa and Khalil Janho, Ramallah natives who have spent most of their lives in Atlanta, Georgia, are part owners in this new enterprise.
Asked why they chose the restaurant business, Issa Janho said that lately most investment had been in construction --but currently, there are 1,892 vacant apartments in Ramallah and its suburbs. But Ramallah has always been known to be a tourist area in the summer, and services are lacking, he says. "When we started planning this business, we figured that food is always necessary and that there aren't that many places that provide quality food in a quiet and attractive atmosphere," Janho said.
Like many others, the Janho brothers agree that the political situation was a determining factor in their decision to return home and open a business. "The earlier the better," to come home, Khalil Janho said, "and there is some improvement in the political situation. We would have never ventured these projects under Occupation. We want to contribute something, so basically, this is more of a contribution than an investment, and we are not very concerned with the profit factor. We have come back to where we belong."
The restaurant is an Arab-American joint venture worth $500,000, and the first of several projects being planned, with an estimated value of $10 million. The other projects include a hotel in Ramallah, convention centers, and catering in Ramallah and other West Bank towns -- Bethlehem, Nablus and Jericho.
The Janho brothers are aware that the political situation could easily deteriorate again, and that business would be better if there were more stability. However, they are adamant that they are here to stay -- although most of their family is still in the US.
The most popular new youth hangout in Ramallah these days is Kanbata Zaman, an unconventional coffee shop which caters to younger and more peculiar tastes. Raed Haddad, co-owner of the shop, explained that Israeli redeployment out of Ramallah was a key element in their decision to open the shop. "We were expecting stability, but to date there is no stability. The political situation is not very encouraging, and we are not very optimistic, especially in the near future," he said.
Haddad explained that business-wise, the political situation is not helping at all. "Everything is closed and we can't even get into Israel to buy products that are not available in the West Bank." He added that a good business depends on residents of other towns as well as local residents.
"The checkpoints separating Jerusalem from Ramallah deter many people; it no longer is a physical barrier only, but the hassle associated with traveling from one area to another has also created mental barriers."
The Haddad's actually chose Ramallah as the place to start their investment pretty much de facto, given that their father previously ran another business in the same building. Raed Haddad agrees that Ramallah is becoming a West Bank center and attributes this to the high number of Arab-American returnees, and the fact that it is also becoming a kind of political center.
With all the new businesses, especially restaurants, competition is becoming rampant. "Finding experienced hired help is becoming increasingly difficult," he said, Kanbata Zaman, however, does have a cutting edge over other places since it provides a distinctive atmosphere.
The restaurant, an $85,000 business investment, was financed largely through loans. Initially, the Haddads had ambitious plans to expand their business to other towns, but now they are not so sure, given that they cannot travel from one place to another freely. "Nothing has really been resolved or is final and we still don't know where we are going. It's a question of time and I hope things will improve."
DEMOLITIONS\ On 6 August, Israeli bulldozers destroyed the home of Idris Pasmool Al-Mutour, displacing his 14-member family, in Beit Anoon village near Hebron. Four neighboring homes in the area are also in danger of demolition to make way for a settlement by-pass road. Two houses in Anata and Jaba' villages (near northern Jerusalem and in Area C of the West Bank) were destroyed to make way for a settlement by-pass road that will extend from Ramallah to the northern Jerusalem settlement of Pisgat Ze'ev on 13 August. Israel demolished six houses in villages near Ramallah on 12 August. In Kufr Aqab, Israeli troops closed the area in the early morning and demolished the houses with explosives. Palestinian residents in the area tried to resist by throwing stones and bottles at the Israeli soldiers. Journalists were banned from the area. In Hizma village, Fawzi Masud's house was demolished for being built without a permit. Two houses in Jaba' and Anata villages were also demolished. Two homes in Essawiyeh were demolished on 13 August.
PA DEMOLITIONS\ Bulldozers belonging to Palestinian national security forces destroyed five houses in Khan Younis on 18 August, acting on a military order which said that the houses were built on government property which will be used for housing projects in the future. Owners of the houses condemned the demolitions and said that they got a permit from the PA Housing Ministry to build there because they were homeless.
MURDER\ Three brothers in Jabaliya Refugee Camp killed their sister Sana', 22, by forcing her to drink poisonous pesticide on 16 August. Palestinian police, who hurried to the scene after receiving a phone call about the murder, said they arrested the three brothers who said they had committed the crime to defend their family honor. The victim was the wife of a Palestinian collaborator who fled during the Intifada to hide inside Israel, police say; her brothers apparently murdered her because of the shame of her husband's actions.
POLICE BRUTALITY\ Musa Ehmeid and Nabil Al-Ajaz, two plainclothes PA police officers, assaulted a suspected drug dealer from Jerusalem on Madbasseh Street in Bethlehem on 10 August. Angry onlookers, unaware that the attackers were police officers, intervened. After the police left the scene, one of those who intervened, Nadir Manasreh, took the victim to the police station to file a complaint. The two police officers responsible for the beating recognized Manasreh as the one who had interfered, and attacked him at the police station. Another officer stepped in, and a scuffle ensued. On 11 August Nadir's father Mohammed Manasreh went to meet station director Kamal Sheikh, to file a complaint. Sheikh explained to Manasreh that according Oslo, PA police do not have the right to arrest a Jerusalem resident. But much of the drugs found in the Bethlehem area are sold by dealers from Jerusalem, so the police can only intervene by giving them a 'warning' on the streets. Manasreh, however, strongly objected to the beating of his son when he brought the victim to the station. The discussion became heated, and Sheikh arrested Manasreh for two hours, holding him in a pitch-black cell. The two other inmates had no idea if it was day or night.
PFLP ARRESTS\ The Israeli army arrested 19 members of the PFLP in Hebron on 17 August. Israel says they have knowledge of armed attacks in Israel.
WEAPON SMUGGLING\ Eleven men, most from Sa'ir village near Hebron, were arrested by Israel on 15 August for smuggling weapons from Jordan and selling them in the Palestinian territories. Israel says the Israeli police infiltrated and cracked the smuggling ring.
HOUSING\ Muhammed Shadid, head of the Palestinian Housing Council, has announced reductions of 5-25 percent in housing unit costs in all projects. The reduction ratios will be based upon the geographic location, land and building costs, infrastructure level in the area, and the average income of the beneficiaries. Home-owners are given 25 years to pay off the loans on their homes. Shadid said the price cuts would cost the Housing Council a capital loss of $20 million. Dr. Shadid said Jerusalem needs around 12,000 housing units, which is impossible given the extremely high land prices in the Jerusalem area, and the difficulty in obtaining a building license from the Jerusalem Municipality.
HELP FOR CAMPS\ PA Local Governance Minister Saeb Erekat said last week that his ministry has completed the studies on Palestinian Refugee camps' infrastructure needs, and the projects had a projected cost of $19.5 million. UNRWA will implement the projects, once they are approved.
PLO OFFICIAL BARRED\ Israeli Defence Minister Yitzak Mordechai refused to allow Ha'el Fahoum, head of the Europe Desk in the PLO, to enter the country to visit his family in Nazareth on 17 August. Mordechai said Fahoum is a threat to Israel's security. His family angrily rejected these allegations and said they may take the matter to the High Court.
HAVE A COKE\ The PA Ministry of Trade and Commerce issued a warning in local newspapers to thirsty Palestinians, telling them not to buy or distribute any drinks bottled by the Israeli Pepsi Cola Co. because the Control and Monitoring Department at the Ministry found in routine lab tests conducted this month that the Israeli company's drinks (Pepsi, Seven-up, and Miranda) did not meet local standards, nor did they contain all of the basic components printed on the bottles.
HEY, YOU'RE NOT A VEGETABLE SELLER\ Three Israeli special unit soldiers were seen touring in Dura village (Zone "B", where uniformed Palestinian police have security responsibilities) near Hebron, dressed as farmers selling produce. When Palestinians discovered their real identity, they were taken to the Israeli Military Liaison Office. Israeli intelligence activities have increased lately in the Hebron area, as the Israeli "wanted" list grows.
WORRIED ABOUT THE WALLS\ The Israeli Archeology Authority and the Municipality of Jerusalem have begun renovations and cleaning projects at ten sites on the Old City walls in Jerusalem. The Authority says many big stones in the 16th-century wall will have to be removed to be cleaned. Palestinians in East Jerusalem expressed their concern about the project, which they fear is part of Israeli efforts to distort Islamic and archeological sites in the Holy City. Palestinian officials said that they don't trust the Israeli Archeology Authority or the so called "Jerusalem Development Company" which will be in charge of doing the work at the walls. PA Waqf Minister Sheikh Hasan Tahboub asked UNESCO and other international and Islamic organizations to monitor the Israeli work.
MEAT SPOILED\ The PA incinerated last week 10,500 sheep offered by Saudi Arabia for sacrifice during the Islamic Adha Feast, after lab reports confirmed that the lamb meat was no longer suitable for human consumption. Abu Ali Shaheen, Food Supply Minister, said that the meat rotted because Israel delayed the shipment's entry to PA territories for "security checks" for two months. The meat was worth about $3.5 million and was intended for needy families.
NOW ALL WE NEED IS AN AIRPORT\ Palestine Airlines received its first plane, a Fokker-50, at Al-Arish airport in Sinai on 14 August, because the Palestinian airport in Gaza is still not open. Disagreements on security control have held up airport talks, due to resume in two weeks.
UNEMPLOYMENT\ Abdullah Abdul Minem, deputy Education Minister, said that the ministry received 19,000 application forms for 1,650 jobs advertised in the Ministry.
MURDERER COMMITS SUICIDE\ Khaled Habal, 65, who killed his neighbor Mohamadiyya Thiab, 65, on 10 August in Kharbatha Misbah village, committed suicide in Ramallah police station on 12 August.
YOUTH CRIME\ Police in Nablus arrested five Palestinian youth (aged 14-16) who specialized in stealing car stereos and tires. Lt. Azzam Jbara said that the gang and all stolen items were captured after one member was arrested and confessed. They will be tried as juvenile.
Three hundred caravan homes were moved into Area C in the West Bank last week, the beginning of the new Israeli government's settlement expansion plans.
The first caravans were set up on Jerusalem land, the nucleus for a new settlement to be called Neve Shmoel close to Nabi Shmoel village. Khalil Tufakji, settlement expert, said that this new settlement will be an extension to Givat Ze'ev, continuing the ring being built around Palestinian Jerusalem.
Settlers were pleased with the first caravan shipment but said the mobile homes are not enough. "This is a step in the right direction, but permanent buildings are the real solution," said settler spokesperson Pinhas Wallerstein.
The Israeli Interior Minister confirmed on 12 August that $15 million of its budget will be allocated for settlers in the West Bank and Gaza as "compensation for the harm they had been caused by the Oslo Accords."
More than a thousand families have moved into vacant apartments in the past few weeks, according to the Amana settlement movement, and are demanding that they be acknowledged as legal owners of the dwellings. The apartments were built in the early 1990s but were not sold because of the restrictions imposed by the previous Labor government. In most cases, the squatting settlers were living in mobile homes in the settlements.
Large areas of land belonging to the villages of Samu'a and Sa'ir near Hebron are slated for confiscation by Israel for the construction of two new bypass roads. Tufakji said the first road will consume 400 acres of land from Sa'ir, to reach the settlement of Matzad, off Kiryat Arba, while the second will use 17 acres of Samu'a land to connect the settlement of Susia to Shim'a and Atna'el. Landowners have been served confiscation orders from the Israeli military administration in the West Bank. Tufakji said the land in question was officially confiscated by Israel, in 1982, but will only now be used, and the original owners will be evicted. When the two new roads are constructed, there will be eight bypass roads in the Hebron area, said Tufakji.
The settlement of Bet El near Ramallah will soon be enlarged to accommodate a new neighborhood of 50 large housing units, a sports center and a cultural center to serve the 400 settler families in the compound. The new area will be built on land which has been confiscated and added to Bet El, along the main Ramallah-Nablus road.
Settlement activities are also increasing in the occupied Golan Heights. Housing prices in settlements in the Golan have risen sharply this year, sources say. Israeli plans have Katsarin settlement expanding to join the nearby city, and more construction is planned in Nof and Ramat Nashimim settlements.
A new plan prepared by Israeli Gen. Uzi Dayan, Chief of the Central Region (which includes the West Bank) would have Israel confiscate thousands of acres of Palestinian land to build roads in the "Greater Jerusalem" area, along the Green Line, in areas that are considered strategic, near Jewish settlements, in the Jordan Valley, and in "civilian areas."
And finally, Gazan women organized a protest march on 14 August in Rafah against the Israeli authorities' decision to confiscate 177 dunums of land to expand the nearby Muraj settlement. The protesters called on the PA to move quickly to confront the Israeli settlement "monster."
While Israeli troops redeployed to the edge of the Gaza Strip in May 1994 and of five West Bank cities in winter 1995, the Israeli Occupation of the Palestinian territory is by no means finished. JMCC seeks to keep a record of acts of Israeli violence (both military and civilian), and collective punishment. The following facts and figures are from the week of 1-7 August, and were compiled from the Palestinian press and JMCC sources. They should not be considered a complete list of the ongoing Israeli violations of the human rights of Palestinians.
DEMOLITIONS Nine Palestinian homes demolished by Israel in East Jerusalem and other parts of the West Bank, for lack for a permit and/or for the construction of settlement bypass roads.