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Unlawful Killing: The Assassination of Palestinians In the Occupied Palestinian Territories by the Israeli Occupying Forces |
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Preface
To
date, during the al-Aqsa Intifada, 354 Palestinians have been killed, of
whom 10 were leaders of Palestinian national resistance factions. Following
a brief lull, the Israeli government recently resumed its policy of
assassinating Palestinian military and political leaders who have taken an
active role in the legitimate popular resistance against Israeli occupation.
The decisions to assassinate these leaders were made at the highest
political levels in Israel. As a result of the assassinations, 16 civilians
present at or near the locations where assassinations were carried out have
also been killed. These actions of the Israeli government constitute grave
violations of international human rights principles, as well as of
International Humanitarian and public international law. Al-Haq
presents this comprehensive report on assassinations and summary executions
of Palestinian activists and leaders. The report is based on field research,
analysis of official Israeli policy, and statements made by Israeli
political officials and military leaders. The purpose of this report is to
document and expose Israeli policies that flagrantly violate international
law in contradiction to Israel’s claims to be committed to the principles
and standards of human rights and International Humanitarian Law. By
bringing to light this information al-Haq hopes to contribute to developing
a just and lasting peace in which Palestinians’ rights are respected.
Furthermore, the report presents the desire of Al-Haq, along with all other
local, regional, and international organizations, for an assurance of
international protection for Palestinians until the end of the Israeli
Occupation, and thereafter an end to the Israeli occupation of all illegally
occupied areas. Al - Haq
Table
of Contents
1.
Introduction 2.
Assassinations and Summary Executions Committed by the Israeli
Occupying Forces 2.1
Assassinations Committed by the State of Israel against the Leaders
of the Palestinian Resistance 2.2
The Assassinations Committed by the Israeli Occupying Forces during
the Al-Aqsa Uprising 3.
International Humanitarian and other Public International Laws’
Regulations and Provisions 3.1
The Israeli Justifications
for Assassinations 3.2 The Position of the Regulations and Provisions of International Humanitarian Laws from the Standpoint of Assassinations 4.
The Significance of the Crime of Assassinations in Light of
International Public and Humanitarian Law 5.
The Responsibility of the Occupying Power for Assassinations and
Summary Executions 5.1
The Civil Responsibility
of Israel 5.2
The Criminal
Responsibility of Israel 6.
Conclusion and Suggested Courses of Action Unlawful
Killing: The Assassination of Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian
Territories by the Israeli Occupying Forces Introduction In
order to quell the Uprising of the Palestinian people that erupted on
September 29, 2000 (popularly known as the al-Aqsa Uprising), the Israeli
Occupying Forces have implemented a number of military and punitive measures
against Palestinian civilians in the Occupied Territories. The most
significant of these measures has been the use of excessive force against
Palestinian civilian protestors. Israeli Forces have fired live ammunition
into crowds of civilian demonstrators and shelled and launched missiles into
residential areas using tanks and helicopter gunships. These practices have
resulted in numerous deaths. (As of 21 February 2001, 362 people have been
killed since the beginning of the Uprising, 110 of whom were children under
18 years of age) There have also been thousands of injuries, approximately
15% of which are permanent (hemiplegics, quadriplegics, loss of sight,
hearing, or loss of limbs). Israeli
forces have deliberately targeted the upper part of the body with the
intention of inflicting the highest number of serious injuries and deaths
possible.[1] The
purpose of these actions is to intensify the impact of other forms of
collective punishment, such as those listed below, which are in place
against the civilian Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories. 1.
Internal Closure
of the West Bank and Gaza Strip and the Closure of all Crossings with Israel:
On September 30, 2000, the Israeli authorities authorized the closure of the
West Bank and Gaza in order to completely separate them from each other and
to stop travel by Palestinians from the Occupied Territories to Israel and
the outside world. They closed the safe passage road and Erez checkpoint
that connect the two areas. This
has resulted in the complete cessation of all trade in and out of the
Occupied Territories and the severance of all social connections between
Gaza and the West Bank. On
October 5, 2000, the Israeli leadership once again formally announced the
closure of the West Bank and Gaza Strip for a period to last until the end
of Yom Kippur on October 9, 2000. Since then the closure has been in effect,
impacting all Palestinian towns and villages in the West Bank and Gaza
Strip. 2.
Military Blockade:
The Israeli authorities have placed many Palestinian towns, villages and
residential areas under military siege by cutting off access or blocking
roads to these towns and residential areas using concrete, earth and sand
barricades or by digging deep trenches in the roads. Travel and trade to and from these areas has been forbidden.
3.
Military Curfews: Several
Palestinian towns and villages have been placed under military curfew. A
24-hour curfew was imposed for more than 30 continuous days on the old city
of Hebron and for more than 25 days on the town of Huwwara.
These curfews were lifted on several occasions for a period of a few
hours to allow residents to obtain food and other necessary supplies. 4.
Denied Access to
Essential Supplies and Services: The pumping of water to some
Palestinian towns was stopped.[2]
Food, medical supplies, and fuel were all prevented from entering
Palestinian areas. 5.
Deliberate
Destruction of Agriculture and Farmland:
Israeli Forces and settlers have carried out devastating attacks on
Palestinian crops, farms, orchards and greenhouses. Thousands of dunums of
land planted with olives, citrus and other productive trees were destroyed. 6.
Deliberate
Prevention of Crop Harvest:
Israeli Forces and armed Israeli settlers prevented residents of several
Palestinian villages from harvesting their produce, especially olive, grape
and citrus crops whose harvest season coincided with the outbreak of the
Uprising. This has caused extensive economic losses for hundreds of
Palestinian families. 7.
Closing of
International Borders:
The border entrances to Jordan and Egypt, and Gaza international airport
were closed. This measure has prevented Palestinians from leaving or
entering the Occupied Territories. 8.
Preventing the
Export of Palestinian Products:
Israeli authorities have prevented the export of Palestinian products
creating extreme economic instability. According to estimates of the
Ministry of Agriculture, prior to the Intifada agricultural exports alone
average US$150,000 per day from the Occupied Territories.
9.
Bombardment of
Palestinian Residential Areas:
Israeli forces have bombarded Palestinian homes, businesses and public
facilities, including educational and health facilities by launching
missiles from helicopter gunships, firing missiles from tanks, and firing
from heavy machine guns. This has caused the destruction and damage of
hundreds of Palestinian houses and other properties.[3] 10.
Preventing
Palestinians from reaching their places of work: Palestinian workers have been prevented from reaching their
places of employment in Palestinian towns and residential areas. 11.
Preventing
Palestinians from entering Israel:
This measure has caused extensive financial losses for thousands of
Palestinian individuals and many commercial, industrial and agricultural
organizations. Palestinians have not been able to clear goods through
customs that have been imported through Israeli ports. As a result, some
goods have been ruined. Additionally, production in numerous Palestinian
workshops and factories has stopped as a result of access to basic raw
material being lost. According to a recent report published by the Office of
the United Nations Special Coordinator (UNSCO) losses during the period from
September 30, 2000 to October 19, 2000 averaged US$8 million per day. As
all of these measures have failed to end the Palestinian Uprising, the
Israeli authorities have resorted to reapplying their policies of
assassination and summary execution against Palestinian activists and
leading figures in the hopes that they will be able disorganize and
demoralize the Palestinian people. 2.
Assassinations and Summary Executions Committed by the Israeli Occupying
Forces Before
beginning it is important to define the three terms assassinations, summary
executions, and willful killing, as they are used in this report, because
they are often used interchangeably by the media and in other reports.
Assassination
is a term used to refer to a killing that targets a well-known person, that
is carried out following orders, and that is carefully planned. The
assassinations of targeted Palestinian individuals are only carried out
following authorization being given by leaders in the highest political
echelons of the Israeli government. In
a willful killing the victim is any person, regardless of personality, who
is intentionally killed and who, at the time of their death, poses no threat
to the lives of the soldiers involved in the killing. Summary executions
refer to persons wanted on suspicion of committing a certain crime or
offence, or persons wanted for political reasons who are killed by the
Israeli security apparatuses without ever having specific charge filed
against them. Summary
executions and assassination at times overlap.
2.1
Assassinations Committed by the State of Israel against the Leaders of the
Palestinian Resistance Assassination
is one of the basic methods used by the state of Israel to achieve its
political objectives in the Occupied Territories.
It has been used against Palestinian activists and political figures
who support Palestinians’ legitimate struggle against the Israeli
occupation. The following are descriptions of some of the assassinations
committed by the Israeli Occupying Forces against Palestinian leaders during
the period between the inception of the Palestinian armed resistance and the
beginning of the current Al-Aqsa Uprising:[4] -
On July 8, 1972, Israeli security forces assassinated Ghassan
Kanafani, a writer and the spokesperson for the political office of the
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) by planting explosives
in his car in the Hazimiyyeh area in Beirut. Also killed was Kanafani’s
niece, Lamis, who was with him at the time. -
On October 17, 1972, Israeli security forces assassinated Wael
Z'eiter, the representative to Italy of the Palestinian Liberation
Organization (PLO). He was shot dead in front of his house in Rome. -
On December 8, 1972, Israeli security forces assassinated Mahmoud Al-Hamshari,
the representative of the PLO to France, by planting explosives in his house
in Paris. -
On April 10, 1973, an Israeli special forces unit led by Ehud Barak,
the outgoing Israeli Prime Minister and head of the Labor Party,
assassinated three PLO leaders in Lebanon: Mohammad Yousef Najjar and his
wife, Kamal Odwan, both Fatah leaders, and Kamal Nasser, a member of the
executive committee of the PLO. -
On January 22, 1979, Israeli security forces in Lebanon assassinated
Ali Hasan Salameh one of the leaders of the security apparatuses of the PLO
along with his four bodyguards. Israeli security forces planted explosives
in a car and then blew it up by remote control when Salameh's car was
passing near it, immediately killing of him and his four guards. -
On June 1, 1981, Israeli security forces assassinated Na'im Khader, a
writer and the representative of the Palestinian Liberation Organization to
Belgium, while he was on his way from his house to the office of the
Palestinian mission in Brussels. -
On October 9, 1981, Israeli security forces assassinated, in Rome,
Majed Abu Sharar, on officer of the unified Palestinian media of the PLO.
Explosives were placed under his bed, in a hotel in Rome. He was there to
participate in the International Conference for Solidarity with the
Palestinian People. -
On April 6, 1988, Israeli special forces assassinated, in Tunis,
Khalil Al-Wazir "Abu Jihad", the Deputy Leader of the Forces of
the Palestinian Revolution and the officer of military actions in the
Occupied Territories. During
the first intifada between 1987 and 1992 assassination and willful killing
were also used by the Israeli authorities as means of dealing with wanted
Palestinians and leaders of the uprising. -
On November 30, 1990 Najib Mustapha Hwail was ambushed and shot by
and Israeli undercover unit. He
died in the hospital on March 1, 1991.
Najib was wanted on suspicion of being a member of the Black Panthers
and of killing collaborators. In
October the Shin Bet had raided Najib’s home to arrest him, but he was
away at the time. A note was
left indicating that he should turn himself in or face the consequences.
A photograph in the house was defaced with an “X” drawn over
Najib’s face and the word “martyr” written on it.
On November 30, in the early afternoon, Najib was sitting with
friends in front of their house when a car pulled up and four people got
out. Najib guessed that he was
going to be arrested and began to run.
He was shot three times without warning, once in the neck and twice
in the back. -
Hassan Mohammad Hassan Kamil, Ahmad Khaled Sadeq Kamil, and Saber
Mohammad Ahmad Abu Farha were killed on September 25, 1991 when Israeli
undercover soldiers opened fire on a public transport van in which they were
traveling from Faqou’a to Jenin. Hassan
and Ahmad, the apparent targets of the attack, were wanted for suspected
involvement in the Black Panthers. Saber
was the driver of the van and an “unfortunate casualty”.
Another passenger Faisal Abu Rub was shot by more than 30 bullets but
survived and was arrested. -
On October 6, 1991 Khaled Hassan Abdul Rahman Rayyan from Balata
refugee camp in Nablus was shot without warning by Israeli forces during a
raid on the camp. He was hit by
ten live bullets, four in the head, two in the back, two in the abdomen, and
two in the legs. According to
eyewitnesses, Khaled began to run away from the soldiers raiding the camp
and was shot in the legs. A
soldier then approached him as he lay on the ground and fired several
bullets at him from only four or five meters.
According to the Israeli military Khaled had been “wanted for over
a year”. -
Bassem Fathi Ibrahim Sha’ban from Yamoun in the Jenin area was shot
and killed at close range by undercover Israeli soldiers on November 14
while in the Jenin market. A
shot owner to whom he was talking just before he was shot reported that
several undercover soldiers approached bassem and shot him from close range. Then as Bassem lay on the ground the soldiers stood around
him and shot his body repeatedly. According
to the Israeli authorities Bassem was wanted for suspected involvement in
the killing of a collaborator.
Following
the signing of the Declaration of Principles and the Oslo Agreement between
the PLO and Israel on September 13, 1993, a number of Palestinian military
leaders and activists were assassinated, including: -
Dr. Fathi Al-Shiqaqi, the leader of the Islamic Jihad Movement, was
assassinated in October 1995 in Malta. -
Hani Abed, one of the leaders of the Islamic Jihad Movement was
assassinated on November 2, 1994. Explosives were planted in his car in Khan
Yunis city in Gaza Strip. -
Yahya Ayyash, the Leader of the military wing of the Islamic
Resistance Movement "Hamas" was assassinated on January 1, 1996.
He was killed when a cellular phone given to him by an Israeli collaborator
exploded upon use. -
Adel Awadallah, the leader of the military wing of the Islamic
Resistance Movement "Hamas" and his brother Imad were killed in a
military attack carried out by the Israeli Occupying Forces on September 10,
1998 in the house where they were staying in the southern West Bank. 2.2
The Assassinations Committed by the Israeli Occupying Forces during the Al-Aqsa
Uprising According
to al-Haq documentation, 11 assassination or summary executions in which 16
people have been killed have been carried out by Israeli Forces against
Palestinians in the OPT during the Al-Aqsa Uprising.
The 11 cases listed below give a general background into the
circumstances under which these cases have occurred and the effect this
Israeli policy has had.[5] 1.
On November 9, 2000, the Israeli Occupation Forces in Beit Sahour in the
Bethlehem district assassinated Hussein Mohammad Salem I'bayyat, a leader in
Fatah’s military wing in Bethlehem. Israeli helicopter gunships shelled
the car in which he was riding causing his immediate death as well as the
deaths of bystanders Rahmeh Rashid Shahin, 53, a mother of three and Aziza
Mohammad Dannoun, 52, a mother of six. Ten other bystanders were injured in
the attack. Eyewitness
testimonies collected by Al-Haq state that the moment I'bayyat, accompanied
by Khaled Saleh Salahat, entered his car, which was parked near the eastern
entrance of Beit Sahour, a helicopter roaming the city fired a missile
towards his car hitting it in the engine. The car was completely destroyed
and I'bayyat was immediately killed. A second missile fired from the
helicopter hit another car in which Ibrahim Musa I'bayyat and Nasser
I'bayyat, who were accompanying Hussein I'bayyat, were riding. The missile
exploded killing Dannoun and Shahin who where near the two cars. In
addition, Jamal Ibrahim Al-Wahadneh and Yousef Mohammad Allan were seriously
injured and Salah Iddin Awad Sh'eibat and his wife Jamileh who were inside
their nearby car were moderately injured.[6] 2.
At 8,30 a.m. on November 22, 2000, Israeli Forces in Rafah, Gaza Strip,
assassinated four people: Jamal Abdul Razeq, 29, Awni Dheir, 37, Na'el
Liddawi, 25, and Khalil Sha'er, 39. Eyewitness
testimonies taken by al-Haq state that Awni, Jamal, and Na'el, all
university students, were on their way from Rafah to Al-Quds Open University
in Khan Yunis. The moment their car stopped at the permanent military check
post located on the street leading to Morag settlement a plain clothes
member of the Israeli security forces fired a barrage of bullets from his
machine gun at the three passengers in the car. An Israeli tank and a
military vehicle parked at the check post also opened fire at the car.
Shooting continued unabated for about one minute. The three students
were immediately killed; their heads were smashed and their bodies were torn
to pieces as a result of the heavy firing. A Mercedes taxi stopped behind
the students’ car was also hit in the barrage of fire.
Khalil Sha'er was killed and Nahed Fojo was injured and then arrested
by the Israelis following the incident.[7] 3.
On November 23, 2000, Israeli Forces assassinated Ibrahim Abdul Karim
Ibrahim Bani Odeh, 34, a leader of the military wing of the Islamic
Resistance Movement "Hamas" in Nablus. The assassination was
carried out by planting explosives in the headrest of the driver’s seat of
a car that Bani Odeh was then given to drive. The car was owned by one of
his relatives, the collaborator Allan Bani Odeh.
Allan gave his car to Ibrahim in response to instructions given him
by one of the Israeli security apparatuses he worked for. [8] 4.
On December 11, 2000 Israeli Forces assassinated Anwar Mahmoud Ahmad Humrain,
28, a leader of the Islamic Jihad Movement.
He was killed about 20 meters away from the main building of the Al-Quds
Open University in the Dahyeh Neighborhood of Nablus. Israeli Forces fired
from the Jarzim Mountain opposite the University. Hamran was struck by two
bullets in the head and by several bullets in other parts of his body. 5.
On December 12, 2000 Israeli Occupying Forces assassinated Yusef Ahmad
Mahmoud Abu Sway, 38, in Irtas villgae near Bethlehem.
He was an activist in the first Intifada (1987-1993) and was wanted
by the Israelis. A group of
Special Forces operatives opened fire at him near his father’s house in
Irtas. He was shot 22 times. 6.
On December 13, 2000, Israeli Forces assassinated Abbas Othman Amhad Al-I'wewi,
28, an activist of the Islamic Resistance Movement "Hamas", near
his store in Wadi al-Tuffah Street in Hebron. An Israeli soldier who was
standing approximately 150 meters away from Abbas shot him.[9]
7.
On December 14, 2000, Israeli Forces in the south of Gaza Strip assassinated
Hani Hussein Hasan Bakri, 32, a leader of the Hamas Movement, near
“Katsovim” Jewish settlement. Several
individuals who were riding in Bakri’s taxi when he was killed testified
to the events they witnessed. They
stated that an Israeli soldier ordered Bakri to stop his taxi at the side of
the road after he had passed through an Israeli checkpoint near the
settlement. Five soldiers approached the taxi and one of them asked Bakri
for his papers. When Bakri reached for his papers the five soldiers opened
the fire upon Bakri’s head and chest using their machine guns. He was killed immediately. 8.
On December 15, 2000, Israeli Forces assassinated Sa'id Taha Saleh Al-Kharouf,
35, an activist in the Islamic Jihad Movement near the village of Huwwara in
the Nablus District. According to a statement given by his family Sa'id
received a phone call at about 11:00 pm on December 14 from a Palestinian
from Jerusalem. Sa'id worked with this person to clear goods that he
imported through Israeli customs. This individual told Sa'id that he was
having car trouble near the Huwwara Secondary School, which is near the
intersection of a by-pass road leading to Yitzhar settlement, and that he
needed help. When Sa'id reached the place with a friend, Dr. Abdallah Al-Ardha,
at about 1:00 a.m. a group of Israeli soldiers opened fire upon them causing
Sa’id’s immediate death. He was struck by five bullets, while his friend
sustained serious injuries and was arrested and then transferred to a
hospital inside Israel. 9.
On December 17, 2000, Israeli forces assassinated Fatah activist Sameh Abdul
Rahman Hasan Al-Mala'bi, 27, in Qalandia Refugee Camp north of Jerusalem.
A bomb exploded near him causing his immediate death. (The details of
the assassination and the tools used in the explosion are not known.) 10.
On December 31, 2000, Israeli Forces in Tulkarm assassinated Dr. Thabet
Ahmad Thabet, 48, a member of the Fatah Higher Committee and General
Director of the Palestinian Ministry of Health’s Tulkarm offices.[10] According to al-Haq field researchers, Israeli Occupying
Forces stationed at a checkpoint about 300 meters away from Thabet’s house
opened fire upon him as he was leaving home in his car.
His house is located near an Israeli factory compound to the south of
Tulkarm. He was hit by 4
bullets, which penetrated his back entering into his chest and abdomen. He
died moments after reaching the Tulkarm hospital.[11] 11.
On February 13, 2001, Israeli Forces assassinated also 54 year-old Masoud
Hussein A’yyad, an active member of Fatah and an officer in the
Palestinian security services. Israeli Assault helicopters launched four
missiles at his car, which was traveling near the Jabalya Refugee Camp in
the north of the Gaza Strip. Five bystanders were also injured in the
attack.[12] 3.
International Humanitarian and other Public International Laws, Regulations
and Provisions 3.1
The Israeli Justifications for Assassinations Israel
has adopted a policy that allows for the assassination and summary execution
of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories.
This policy is clearly laid out in statements made by Israeli
politicians and military commanders. In
a meeting held by Israel’s Deputy Chief of Staff Moshe Ya'alon with the
heads of the Yesha Councils in the West Bank and Gaza Strip to discuss the
situation in the Occupied Territories he said, "It is the right of the
Israeli Prime Minister to give the green light to the Israeli army to
assassinate the leaders of Fatah. This will force the Palestinians to stop
the confrontations after they realize the high price they pay."[13]
Moreover, the Israeli Deputy Minister of Defense said in a statement to
Israeli army radio, "We will hit all persons involved in terrorist
actions and attacks, or prepared for attacks. A position in the Palestinian
Authority does not give immunity to any person. Thus, the assassination of
the officials responsible for attacks or who incite attacks is the best,
most effective, accurate, and appropriate means."[14] In
an answer to questions about the policy of assassination directed towards
the Israeli Prime Minister by members of the foreign and security committee
in the Israeli Knesset, the Israeli Prime Minister justified such operations
saying, "Israel faces a state of war and there are no other means to
fight terrorism."[15] By
analyzing these Israeli statements on assassination and the assassinations
themselves we can infer, that assassinations have been carried out by the
occupier in order to achieve one of the following: 1.
Assassination have been committed as a form
of punishment for a person accused by the Israeli Occupying Forces of
carrying out operations that harm or disturb Israel’s security and the
security of settlers in the Occupied Territories. They have also been
committed as preemptive punishment of individuals planning to carry out such
operations or who ordered others to carry them out against Israeli Forces or
settlers.[16] 2.
The assassinations have been used as a preventative
measure and as a way of “taking care of” individuals wanted by
Israel. [17] 3.
The Israeli forces have used the assassination of Palestinians as a deterrent
and as a way to demoralize the local population and to discourage them from
participating in resistance activities or protests. These actions are
designed to instill a sense of fear in Palestinians who resist the occupier. 4.
The assassinations of Palestinians have been committed as a means
of retaliation against the residents of the Occupied Territories.
Israeli military actions that target the leadership and figures of the
Palestinian resistance are used as an immediate response to armed attacks
carried out against the Israeli forces in the Occupied Territories. These
assassinations are intended to convince the various factions of the PLO that
resistance against Israel will meet with harsh retaliation. [18] 3.2
The Position of the Regulations and Provisions of International Humanitarian
Laws from the Standpoint of Assassinations Under
the provisions of international law the Palestinian Territories are legally
defined as occupied territories[19]
as they are under the authority and administration of a hostile foreign
force. This force has succeeded in forming a military government to control
and administer the territories through the use of armed force.
As an Occupied Territory certain international humanitarian and other
legal texts, documents and regulations apply to the administration of the
territories. The regulations that are of the most import to the governance
of the Occupied Palestinian Territories are those International Humanitarian
laws and statutes relevant to belligerent occupation. These regulations and provisions must be the legal criterion
that governs and regulates all aspects of the relationship that exists
between the occupier, its forces and administration on one side, and the
occupied and protected persons on the other. In
order to fully evaluate the Israeli Occupying Forces policy of assassination
as presented here, we must first lay out the legal principles included in
the regulations and provisions of International Humanitarian Law and other
public international law that clarify the rights of the occupier and its
obligations to the occupied people as regards legal proceedings and the
occupied peoples right to resist occupation by legitimate means in order to
achieve their right to self-determination as laid down by the United Nations
and Relevant UN Resolutions on the question of Palestine.
We will define and clarify the legal standards that the occupier
should take into consideration when determining its obligations under the
provisions and regulations of International Humanitarian and other public
international laws relevant to the occupied territories. It
is important to point out that Palestinians who either confront Israeli
forces, or who are accused of carrying out armed attacks or order the
commission of such operations against Israeli forces are members of a
legally acknowledged resistance movement. This movement has a legitimate
personality under Resolution Number 3237 issued in 1974 by the United
Nations General Assembly. Under this Resolution, the Palestinian Liberation
Organization (PLO) was granted observer status in the United Nations. In
addition, these people practice one of their rights in accordance with
several resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly. These
resolutions state that acts of resistance carried out by Palestinians
against the occupation, whether carried out by an individual affiliated with
the Palestinian resistance movement or not are considered legitimate. This
is clearly stated in United Nations General Assembly Resolution Number 2383
issued on November 7, 1968, Resolution Number 2395 issued on November 29,
1968, and Resolution Number 2446 issued on December 19, 1069 as well as in
several other resolution.[20] Since
there is a legitimate right to resist Israeli occupation those involved in
the resistance should enjoy the legal protections and immunity guaranteed by
the regulations and provisions of International Humanitarian and other
public international law that relate to legal combatants.
In particular, if an individual involved in resisting the occupation
is arrested by the Israeli Authorities they should be treated as a member of
a legitimate resistance organization or a prisoner of war. If Israel chooses
to ignore or deny these legal statutes and rights it then has to prosecute
offenders in accordance with regulations that secure at least the minimum
legal guarantees that should be provided in trials based on the regulations
and provisions of international law. As
the Israeli occupier denies, without any legal justification, the rights of
Palestinians to legal protection as members of a legitimate resistance
movement it must comply with the provisions and regulations of International
Humanitarian Law related to the provisions that an occupying power should
use to investigate and punish individuals in occupied territories under its
authority, as included in legally binding international treaties such as the
Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 and the 1907 Hague Regulations. In
accordance with these provisions, which must be considered the authoritative
legal regulations as relates to the Occupied Territories, the assassinations
committed by the Israeli forces as a punishment against Palestinians is
unjustified and illegal. The provisions of International Humanitarian Law do
not allow for national or occupation authorities to carry out any form of
punishment that takes the lives of civilian residents of an occupied
territory. This is clearly seen in the guarantees that are provided by these
laws for the benefit of individuals who are found guilty of a crime and must
be punished. The
regulations and provisions of these laws, in order to guarantee and protect
the rights and freedoms of individuals living under an oppressive authority
set forth a number of legal guarantees that all States including occupation
authorities must take into consideration when trying or punishing an
individual who has broken the law. Article 10 of the International Declaration of Human Rights states that, "Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him." Item
1 of Article 2 of the Declaration also states, "Everyone
charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until
proven guilty according to the law by which he has had all the guarantees
necessary for his defense." Item
3 of Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
states that every one has the right, "(d)
To be tried in his presence, and defend himself or through legal assistance
of his own choosing … (e)
To examine or to have examined the witnesses against him … (f)
To have the free assistance of an interpreter if he cannot understand or
speak the language used in the court (g) Not to be compelled to
testify against himself or to confess guilt." The
provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in the Time of War of 1949 also state that,
Article
71: "No sentence shall be pronounced by the competent courts of the Occupying
Power except after a regular trial. Accused persons who are prosecuted by
the Occupying Power shall be promptly informed, in writing, in a language
which they understand, of the particulars of the charges preferred against
them, and shall be brought to trial as rapidly as possible. …" Article
72: "Accused persons shall be given the right to present evidence necessary
to their defense and may, in particular, call witnesses. They shall have the
right to be assisted by a qualified advocate or counsel of their own choice,
who shall be able to visit them freely and shall enjoy the necessary
facilities to prepare the defense. …" Article
75: "In no case shall persons condemned to death be deprived of the right of
petition for pardon or reprieve. No death sentence shall be carried out
before the expiration of a period of at least six months from the date of
receipt of the Protecting Power of the notification of the final judgment
confirming such death, or of an order denying pardon or reprieve. …" Article
75 of the First Protocol[21]
attached to the Fourth Geneva Convention issued in 1977 states,
"(1) In so far as they are
affected by a situation referred to in Article 1 of this Protocol, persons
who are under the power of a Party to the conflict and who do not benefit
from more favorable treatment under the Conventions or under this Protocol
shall be treated humanely in all circumstances and shall enjoy, as a
minimum, the protection provided by this Article without any adverse
distinction based upon race, colour, sex, language, religion or belief,
political or other opinion, national or social origin, wealth, birth or
other status, or any other similar criteria. Each Party shall respect the
person, honour, convictions and religious practices of all such persons. (2)
The following acts are and shall remain prohibited at any time and in any
place whatsoever, whether committed by civilian or by military agents: (a)
violence to the life, health, or physical or mental well being of persons,
in particular: (i) murder; (ii) torture of all kinds, whether physical or
mental; (iii) corporal punishment; and (iv) mutilation”. In
addition, the Document of the Economic and Social Council regarding the
guarantees which protect the rights of persons who are condemned to death,
approved in Resolution Number 50/1948 issued on May 25, 1984 ensures that
countries should take into consideration a number of legal guarantees
related to the death penalty and cases in which it is carried out. Article 5
states, “Capital
punishment may only be carried out pursuant to a final judgment rendered by
a competent court after legal process which gives all possible safeguards to
ensure a fair trial, at least equal to those contained in article 14 of the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, including the right of
anyone suspected of or charged with a crime for which capital punishment may
be imposed to adequate legal assistance at all stages of the proceedings.”
These
provisions and regulations state that the accused person must be able to
defend him/herself in order to challenge any potential violations of their
rights. Here, the position of
these guarantees in relation to the steps taken by the Israeli authorities
to try the Palestinians who have been assassinated on the basis of
accusation against them must be questioned. These people are accused of
resistance, of threatening the security of the occupying power and its
people, of planning for the commission of such actions, or of ordering their
implementation, but no provisions have been made to try them or prove
accusations made against them. The assassinations and summary executions
committed by the Israelis have been carried out without respect for the
basic guarantees provided by the regulations and provisions of International
Humanitarian and other public international law. 4.
The Significance of the Crime of Assassinations in Light of International
Public and Humanitarian Law The
assassinations carried out by the Israeli occupation forces can be
considered, because they violate the provisions and regulations of
International Public and Humanitarian Laws, summary executions, arbitrary
executions, or executions without trial. The
provisions and regulations of International Public and Humanitarian Law
completely and decisively prohibit any authority, whether a civil authority
in an independent country or a military authority in an occupied territory,
from carrying out assassinations, deliberate killings and summary
executions. They are prohibited without any exceptions allowed. The
Resolution on the Principles of Effective Prevention and Investigation of
Extra-legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions issued on May 24, 1989 by the
Social and Economic Council states, "1. Governments shall prohibit all extra-legal, arbitrary and summary
executions and shall ensure that any such executions are recognized as
offences under their criminal laws, and are punishable by appropriate
penalties, which take into account the seriousness of such offences.
Exceptional circumstances including state of war or threat of war, internal
political instability or any other public emergency may not be invoked as a
justification of such executions. Such
executions shall not be carried out in any circumstances including, but not
limited to, situations of internal armed conflict, excessive or illegal use
of force by a public official or other person acting in an official capacity
or by a person acting at the instigation, or with the consent or
acquiescence of such a person, and situations in which deaths occur in
custody. This prohibition shall prevail over decrees issued by any
governmental authority.” Article
3 of the same resolution states that, “Governments
shall prohibit orders from superior officers or public authorities
authorizing or inciting other persons to carry out such extralegal,
arbitrary or summary executions. All persons shall have the right and the
duty to defy such orders. Training of law enforcement officials shall
emphasize the above provisions.”
Article
19 also states, "Without prejudice to principle 3 above, an order from a superior
officer or a public authority may not be invoked as a justification for
extra-legal, arbitrary or summary executions. Superiors, officers or other
public officials may be held responsible for acts committed by officials
under their authority if they had a reasonable opportunity to prevent such
acts. In no circumstances, including a state of war, siege or other public
emergency, shall blanket immunity from prosecution be granted to any person
allegedly involved in extra-legal, arbitrary or summary executions.”
In
reference to the provisions and regulations of International Humanitarian
Law, several of the articles of the conventions that codify these provisions
mentioned the practices the practices of assassination and extra judicial
execution. Article 23 of the Hague Convention states, “In
addition to the prohibitions provided by special Conventions, it is
especially forbidden – (b) To kill or wound treacherously individuals
belonging to the hostile nation or army;” Article
32 of the Fourth Geneva Convention states that, "the
High Contracting Parties specifically agree that each of them is prohibited
from taking any measure of such a character as to cause the physical
suffering or extermination of protected persons in their hands. This
prohibition applies not only to murder, torture, physical punishment,
mutilation and medical or scientific experiments not necessitated for by the
medical treatment of a protected person, but also to any other measures of
brutality whether applied by civilian or military agents." Article
33 of the same Convention states, "No
protected person may be punished for an offence he or she has not personally
committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measure of intimidation or
of terrorism are prohibited. … Reprisals against protected persons and
their property are prohibited." Article
40 of the First Protocol attached to the Fourth Geneva Convention says, “It
is prohibited to order that there shall be no survivors, to threaten an
adversary therewith or to conduct hostilities on this basis.” Israeli practices also raise the question of the criminal responsibility of the persons who commit them. The Guilty party cannot ask, under the regulations and provisions of these Laws, for their criminal responsibility for their actions to be nullified based on the fact that they were ordered to carry out the act in question. The assassinations carried out by the Israeli Authorities against protected Palestinian civilians accused of committing “crimes of resistance” against the Israeli occupation are clearly grave beaches of international law. Article 147 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, specifies which acts are considered grave breaches of the Convention and that an occupying power is prohibited from committing. Specifically Article 147 says that, "Grave
breaches to which the preceding Article related shall be those involving any
of the following acts, if committed against persons or property protected by
the present Convention: willful killing, torture or inhuman treatment,
including biological experiments, willfully causing great suffering or
serious injury to body or health, unlawful deportation or transfer or
unlawful confinement of a protected person, compelling a protected person to
serve in the forces of the hostile Power, or willfully depriving a protected
person of the rights or fair and regular trial prescribed in the preset
Convention, taking of hostages and extensive destruction and appropriation
of property, nor justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully
and wantonly," Article
85[22]
of the First Protocol attached to the Geneva Conventions approved in 1977
states that the acts of deliberate killings and punishment committed against
civilian residents who are accused of doing certain acts, without any
consideration to the legal guarantees approved by the Conventions and the
provisions of the Protocol are considered war crimes.[23] 5.
The Responsibility of the Occupying Power for Assassinations and Summary
Executions 5.1
The Civil Responsibility of Israel Through
its policies of assassination and summary execution the Israeli Authorities
have violated the regulations and provisions of International Humanitarian
law and other public international laws relevant to attacks on the civilian
residents of an occupied territories. Moreover, they have violated the
rights of persons accused of crimes to a fair trial by punishing them
without specifying charges or a allowing for a trial.
This raises the need for the Israeli occupation authorities to be
held responsible for their actions on an international level and raises the
issue of the right to compensation for Palestinian victims of Israeli
violations.[24] Palestinians
demands in this respect are based on the provisions and the regulations of
International Law. These provisions and regulations oblige the parties who
violate their international obligations by committing illegitimate acts to
take a number of steps to lessen or nullify the impacts of their violations.
The obligations, steps, and considerations that the offending party
should commit themselves to in this regard can be defined and laid out as
follows: ·
Stop
internationally prohibited acts and practices:
This means that the State that has committed actions or practices that
violate the provisions and regulations of the law, should stop their actions
or practices and refrain from resuming them. If the action is an attack on
another country, the attacking country should immediately stop its armed
attack. If the action taken is an act considered legally illegitimate, such
as confiscating the land of another country, this offending party must cease
and desist from such acts. ·
Return
the situation to its previous condition (compensation):
This means that the party that has caused damage as a result of committing
an illegitimate action should repair or remove all the manifestations of
this damage. For example, if the violation was invading the territory of
another country, the invading country should order its forces to withdraw
and return the territory to its state before the invasion. ·
Pay
financial compensation:
Although returning the situation to its previous condition is the most
favored mechanism in relation to the regulations and provisions of
International, there are certain cases in which implementing this measure is
impossible. It is not always possible in cases where there has been
extensive damage or destruction to land and property that has been used by
the violating party to fully restore an area to its previous state. In cases
of this sort financial compensation is considered the only legitimate
recourse for victims of violations. The
provisions and regulations of International Humanitarian and public
international law have also specified that in cases of compensation
proportionality must be taken into consideration. This means that
compensation should be proportional to the size of the actual damage,
whether the damage was direct or indirect, immediate or long term.[25] If
these commitments are applied to the Palestinians who have been harmed as a
result of Israeli practices and the during the commission of assassinations
and summary executions recently carried out against the civilian residents
in the Occupied Territories, it can be argued that these rights requires, on
the basis of the provisions and regulations of International Law, the
Israeli government to take a number of steps, including, 1.
The Israeli Occupying Forces must cease immediately its unlawful
practices and must stop assassinating and killing Palestinians. 2.
The Israeli Occupying Forces must stop issuing new orders related to
these practices. 3.
The Israeli Occupying Authorities must pay financial compensation to
all persons harmed by these practices. The occupier should take into
consideration the extent of the harm caused and make sure that the amounts
of money given as compensation are fair. 5.2
The Criminal Responsibility of Israel The
Israeli Occupying Authorities must implement the above-mentioned demands as
compensation for their violations of, and as part of their obligations
under, international law. These obligations affirmed by the Fourth Geneva
Convention and other international conventions and agreements; their
implementation is an act that should be carried out on the basis of the
regulations and provisions of International Public and Humanitarian Laws
relevant to violations that occur under occupation. In
any case, the implementation of these demands does not mean the exemption of
Israel from its international criminal responsibility. Nor can Israel deny
its responsibility for its above-mentioned practices and acts. The
international criminal responsibility of the Israeli occupier for
assassinations and summary executions committed in the occupied territories
should not be dropped even if Israel begins to fulfill its civil and legal
responsibility. The rights of Palestinians as the party harmed by Israeli
practices should remain under consideration as relates to pursuing and
investigating persons who ordered and committed these crimes. This
right was enshrined in Article 146 of the Fourth Geneva Convention[26]
and Article 88 of the First Geneva Protocol attached to the Geneva
Conventions.[27]
This right was also enshrined in Article 6 of the Principles of
International Law Recognized in the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal and in
Judgment of the Tribunal, 1950. Article 6 of which states: “
The crimes hereinafter set out are punishable as crimes under international
law: (a)
Crimes against peace: (i)
Planning,
preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression or a war in
violation of international treaties, agreements or assurances; (ii)
Participation
in a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of any threats of the
acts mentioned under (i ). (b)
War crimes: Violations
of the laws or customs of war include, but are not limited to, murder,
ill-treatment or deportation to slave-labor or for any other purpose of
civilian population of or in occupied territory, murder or ill-treatment of
prisoners of war, of persons on the seas, killing of hostages, plunder of
public or private property, wanton destruction of cities, towns, or
villages, or devastation not justified by military necessity. (c)
Crimes against humanity: Murder,
extermination, enslavement, deportation and other inhuman acts done against
civilian population, or persecutions on political, racial or religious
grounds, when such acts are done or such persecutions are carried on in
execution of or in connection with any crime against peace or any war
crime.” Hence,
the international community has an obligation to pursue all persons who have
ordered the commission of these crimes whether they are military personnel,
politicians, or state officers. In addition, this right also applies to
Israeli soldiers, as they are culpable for their part in the commission of
these crimes in the Occupied Territories.
It
is important to mention that these legal obligations[28]
take precedent over internal criminal laws.
This is logical and a credit to the legislators who designed
International Criminal Law as the atrociousness of certain acts requires
that perpetrators be tried, which may not occur if left up to the discretion
of local authorities. All steps
that can possibly be taken to force members of the international community
to abstain from committing such acts or granting immunity to a person who
does commits war crimes must be taken. Removing immunity from prosecution
for war crimes is one of the most important guarantees provided to an
oppressed people. It gives them
the ability to respond to those who committed acts and practices classified
as war crimes when the conditions under which they live change. Classifying
assassinations and summary executions committed by Israeli forces as war
crimes not only raises the right of Palestinians to pursue those who ordered
or committed such crimes, but also raises the issue of the obligation of the
Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention and the First Protocol
attached to the Convention to pursue and investigate the perpetrators
Israeli war crimes. This obligation is clearly stated in the Fourth Geneva
Conventions and its First Protocol. Article
1 of the Fourth Geneva Convention states,
"The High Contracting Parties undertake to respect and to ensure
respect for the present Convention in all circumstances." Article
146 states, "The High Contracting Parties undertake to enact any legislation
necessary to provide effective penal sanctions for persons committing, or
ordering to be committed, any of the grave breaches of the present
Convention defined in the following Article. Each
High Contracting Party shall be under the obligation to search for persons
alleged to have committed, or to have ordered to be committed, such grave
breaches, and shall bring such persons, regardless of their nationality,
before its own courts. It may also, if it prefers, and in accordance with
the provisions of its own legislation, hand such persons over for trial to
another high Contracting Party concerned, provided such High Contracting
Party has made out a prima facie case. Each Contracting Party shall
take measures necessary for the suppression of all acts contrary to the
provisions of the present Convention other than the grave breaches defined
in the following article." Article
1 of the First Protocol states, "
(1) The High Contracting Parties undertake to respect and to ensure respect
for this Protocol in all circumstances. (2) In cases not covered by this
Protocol or by other international agreements, civilians and combatants
remain under the protection and authority of the principles of international
law derived from established custom, from the principles of humanity and
dictates of public conscience. (3) This Protocol, which supplements the
Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949 for the protection of war victims,
shall apply in the situations referred to in Article 2 common to those
Conventions. (4) The situations referred to in the preceding paragraph
include armed conflicts which peoples are fighting against colonial
domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes in the exercise
of their right of self-determination, as enshrined in the Charter of the
United Nations and the Declaration of Principles of International Law
concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among states in accordance
with the Charter of the United Nations.”
Article
86 states, "(1) The High Contracting Parties and the Parties to the conflict
shall repress grave breaches, and take measures necessary to suppress all
other breaches, of the Conventions or of this Protocol which result from a
failure to act when under a duty to do so. (2) The fact that a breach of the
Conventions or of this Protocol was committed by a subordinate does not
absolve his superiors from penal disciplinary responsibility, as the case
may be, if they knew, or had information which should have enabled them to
conclude in the circumstances at the time, that he was committing or going
to commit such as breach and if they did not take all feasible measures
within their power to prevent or repress the breach.”
It
is apparent that the regulations and provisions of the Fourth Geneva
Convention and the First Protocol have imposed clear commitments on the
Contracting Parties to move to confront any party that deliberately violates
these regulations and provisions. These Parties can take action using any
effective measures they find appropriate. Though
the Convention did not discuss the means that can be used to enforce respect
for the Convention by the Contracting Parties, it defined the commitments of
these Parties towards the persons who are proved to have committed grave
breaches against the provisions of the Convention. These commitments include
pursuing and investigating these individuals in regards to their acts and
practices. The Parties have the right to choose between having these
individuals stand trial or handing them over to the violated party to have
them stand trial in a national court, or to a third party that is willing to
prosecute them. What
is important is that the Contracting Parties pursue war criminals and
investigate them regardless of the demands of other contracting Parties.
Article 146 of the Fourth Geneva Convention obliges the Parties to issue
effective measures and legislation to counter the practices and actions of
others that are criminal as defined in the provisions of the Convention. The
commitment of the Parties is an individual commitment.
This means that each Party to the Convention is obliged to take
action alone, regardless of the position of other Parties. When
applying the above-mentioned provisions and commitments to the subject at
hand, we can state clearly that the Contracting Parties to the Geneva
Convention are obliged to seriously interfere in order to counter Israeli
acts and practices related to assassination and summary execution. These
Parties can also take collective measures that guarantee the stoppage of
Israel’s violations and that force Israel to remain committed to
respecting the International Humanitarian Laws that
regulate its practices in the Occupied Territories. These
Parties should also be individually committed to issuing internal
legislation that guarantees the prosecution of Israelis who ordered or
committed grave breaches. It is important to stress Palestinians’
responsibility to call upon the Contracting Parties to the Geneva Convention
and its Protocol to carry out their commitments regarding this issue. 6.
Conclusion and Suggested Courses of Action This
report presents evidence that the assassinations and summary executions
committed by the Israeli Occupying Forces against the civilian residents of
the Occupied Territories are unlawful, as they are clear violations of,
among other regulations, the provisions of the Fourth Geneva Convention
relevant to the rights and duties of an occupying power. In
light of the severity of these actions and the gravity of Israeli threats
(information prepared by the Israeli intelligence including a list of names
of 100 Palestinians who are likely to be assassinated or summarily executed
was recently published) al-Haq expresses concern about the Israeli Occupying
Forces continued policy of assassination. Al-Haq therefore calls on the
international community and the High Contracting Parties to the Fourth
Geneva Conventions to intervene to prevent further violations.
Some suggested courses of action include:
-
The United Nations Security Council must intervene and provide an
international protection force for Palestinian civilians living in the
Occupied Territories. The
Council should discuss procedures for sending international forces to stop
the Israeli aggression and protect the Palestinian people from continued
Israeli Human Rights violations and war crimes. -
Mrs. Mary Robinson, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human
Rights, should act in order to secure effective international intervention
to protect the civilian residents of the Occupied Territories. -
The High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention should
convene immediately to discuss procedures to ensure Israel’s compliance
with and respect for the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949. -
The High Contracting Parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention should
fulfill their responsibility stemming from Articles 1 and 146 of the
Convention by pursuing and investigating the persons who ordered the
commission of assassinations and summary executions and those who committed
them. Under the Fourth Geneva Convention and its First Protocol, these
actions constitute grave breaches of the Convention and are classified as
war crimes. -
Due to the inaction of the United Nations Security Council regarding
Israeli violations and war crimes, and its lack of response to Palestinian
demands for international protection for the civilian residents of the
Occupied Territories, the United Nations General Assembly is obliged to bear
responsibility by interfering to effectively provide this protection. The
General Assembly has the legitimate right to act in this regard in
conformity with General Assembly Resolution Number 377 on unity for peace
and has the power to force Israel to respect and guarantee its commitments
and to stop its aggression against the Palestinians. Moreover, the General
Assembly should force Israel to implement the resolutions of the United
Nations General Assembly and Security Council relevant to the Palestinian
problem, particularly those related to allowing Palestinians to practice
their legitimate right to self-determination. -
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) must bear its
full responsibility by calling upon the High Contracting Parties to the
Fourth Geneva Convention to move to intervene to protect the Palestinian
civilian population and to discuss measures and means that can be taken to
force Israel to comply with International Law. [1] A report on injuries of Palestinians prepared and issued by
Dr. Mohammad Salameh and Dr. Musa Abu Hmeid, the General Director of the
West Bank hospitals, stated that children injured during the uprising
constitute 52%-60 of the total injuries, while the percentage of
injuries in the upper parts of the body account for 77% of the total
casualties, of which 40% were to the head. [2] The settlement of Homesh stopped pumping water to the town of
Silet Thaher in the Jenin area for 10 consecutive days betweem 7 and 17
October, 2000 in answer to the participation of the residents of Silet
Thaher in protest activities against the Israeli occupation. To maximize
the impact of this measure on the towns residents Israeli forces
prevented water tankers coming from other villages from entering the
town. [3] Al-Haq has prepared a special documentary report on these
violations. The report documents the impact of these practices on the
Palestinian civilians of the Occupied Territories; it focuses on events
that occurred in the cities of Beit Sahour, Beit Jala, Hebron, Nablus,
Tulkarm and some areas of the Gaza strip. [4] One of the most important assassinations committed for
political reasons was the assassination of the Swedish Count Folk
Bernadotte, the mediator of the United Nations, and his assistant the
French Colonel Andre Sio, the observer of the United Nations forces, by
members of the Zionist Stern organization on September 17, 1948 in
Jerusalem, Palestine. Bernadotte was assassinated in answer to his
suggestions regarding reaching a peaceful settlement for the situation
in Palestine. [5] There are seven cases whose actual circumstances have
not yet been defined. When investigations into each have been completed
some of these cases may be added to the list of assassinations committed
by the Israeli occupation forces in the Occupied Territories. They
include the following cases: -
On December 8, 2000, Israeli forces deliberately shelled a Palestinian
military location killing four members of the Palestinian National
Security Forces and one civilian. They were: Captain Muhannad Mahmoud
Mustafa Abu Shadouf, 31, Staff Sergeant Ziad Mohammad Yousef Sbeih, 34,
Corporal Mahmoud Abdallah Mohammad Yahya, 17, Corporal Ala' Abdul Latif
Abu Jaber, 17, and Mohammad Rateb
Qasem, 21. According to Al-Haq's field researcher in Jenin, at around
3:30 p.m. one of the tanks stationed at the northern entrance of Jenin
shot three missiles towards a base of the Palestinian National Security
Forces in the Sabah Al-Kheir Neighborhood of Jenin without any apparent
reason. The location was
directly hit by a missile. -
On December 13, 2000, Israeli Occupying Forces in Tulkarm killed
Lieutenant Tareq Ibrahim Al-Qattar, 30, of the Palestinian Intelligence
Apparatus, and Lieutenant Mo'taz Mohammad Sa'id Al-Srouji, 37, of the
National Forces. According to the report from the Tulkarm Government
Hospital, both were subjected to torture and inhuman treatment before
they were executed. The autopsy reports indicated that the executors
broke their limbs before they killed them. Al-Srouji was shot with
several bullets to the head and neck, in addition to the legs, while Al-Qattar
was shot with several bullets to the back, legs, and head. -
There was also an attempt to kill Khaled Khalil Mohammad Ghannam, a
Fatah activist from Hebron. He and his brother were stopped on January
7, 2001 at an Israeli military check post. Following the examination of
their papers, the soldiers asked Walid, Khaled's brother to go to his
car while his brother was handcuffed and placed near the side of the
road. According to Walid's statement to al-Haq's field researcher, the
soldiers moved away from Khaled and started talking to each others for
some time. Then one of them shot Khaled while he lay handcuffed on the
ground seriously injuring him. Although an ambulance from Hebron arrived
at the area to treat him, their assisstance was rejected six times by
the Israeli Occupying Forces. The soldiers also prevented Walid from
going near his brother. After about twenty minutes, Khaled was taken in
an Israeli military ambulance to Hadassah Hospital. [6] The Israeli occupation forces claimed that the assassinate of
I'bayyat was in retaliation for shooting carried out by I'bayyat at
Israeli Forces and Settlers in Gilo, a settlement established on the
Palestinian land of Beit Jala in the south of the West Bank. See al-Haq
Press Release # 64 from 9 November 2000 for more information on this
case. It
should be noted that on January 13, 2001 the Palestinian security court
in Bethlehem issued death sentences against Mohammad Deifallah Al-Khatib,
28, and Husam Hmeid Al-I'seilini, 19, because of their collaboration
with Israel in providing information about the movements of I'bayyat and
other Fatah leaders in the area. [7]
Jamal Abdul Razeq was the specific target of this attack.
Palestinian collaborator Majdi Mohammad Makkawi confirmed that
Razeq had been specifically targeted by the Israeli Authorities in his
broadcast confession on the evening of January 3, 2001 following his
arrest by Palestinian intelligence. Makkawi stated that his role in the
assassination was to inform the Israeli security forces of the time at
which Jamal Abdul Razeq left his house in Rafah and of the model of the
car he was driving. See al-Haq
Press Release # 70 for more information on this case. Majid
Makkawi was executed in Gaza the Palestinian security court sentenced
him to death. The sentence was issued on January 11, 2001 and was approved
by the President of the Palestinian National Authority on January 12,
2001. [8] The Palestinian State Security Court sentenced Allan Mohammad
Kharyoush Bani Odeh to death on December 7, 2000. The sentence, which
was approved by the President of the Palestinian National Authority, was
enforced on January 12, 2001. Allan was executed in the morning of
January 13, 2001 in Nablus. [9] See al-Haq Press Release # 73 from 13 December 2000 for more information on this case. [10]
According to the Israeli newpaper Yediot Ahronot, the Israeli security
forces admitted that snipers of an Israeli special police force
assassinated Thabet Ahmad Thabet. (Al-Quds Newspaper, January 2, 2001,
issue number 11266, p. 1) [11]
The assassination of Thabet Ahmad Thabet is considered the first
assassination of a political leader. Previous assassinations targeted people
who held military position. For more information on this case refer to
al-Haq Press Release # 75 from 31 December 2000. [12] For more information on this case refer to al-Haq Press Release # 82 from 13 February 2001. [13]
AlAyyam Newspaper, December 7, 2000, issue number 1786, p. 1. [14] Al-Quds Newspaper, January 4, 2001, issue number 11268, p. 6. [15] Al-Ayyam Newspaper, January 3, 2001, issue number 1811, p. 1. [16] Al-Ayyam Newspaper, December 5, 2000, issue number 1784, p. 1
and 21. [17] See Al-Quds Newspaper, January 11, 2001, issue number 11275,
p.9. [18] Ibid, p.9. See also Al-Quds Newspaper, December 12, 2000,
issue number 11257, p. 1 and 14, and issue number 11266, February 2,
2001, p.1 and 19. [19] Negotiations have been taking place between the Palestinian
Liberation Organization and Israel since 1992 in order to reach a final
agreement regarding the Palestinian Occupied Territories. As is well
known, the negotiations have resulted in several transitional agreements
that were designed to begin transfering control of the territories from
Israeli authority to Palestinian preceding a final permanent agreement.
In this regard, the two parties agreed on dividing the Palestinian
Territories during the interim period into three areas as follows: First:
Area A. This is the area that is under full administrative almost full
security control of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA).
This area falls under the full responsibility of the PNA. It
includes all of the large cities of the West Bank, excluding East
Jerusalem. Second:
Area B. In this area Israeli Forces control security. The Palestinian
National Authority is responsible for keeping general order,
administration, and civil supervision. Third:
Area C. In these areas Israeli forces have full control over both
security and civil administration, excluding several administrative
duties that were transferred to the PNA. Area C includes a significant
amount of land from the OPT and all
settlements and Israeli residential and industrial areas. It also
includes land taken over for use by the Israeli military as training
areas and camps, as well as other military land and land confiscated for
closed for military purposes. [20] There numerous other resolutions issued by the United Nations
General Assembly that state the same right including: Resolution Number
2852 issued in 1970, Resolutions Numbers 2621 and 2625 issued in 1970,
Resolution Number 3103 issued in 1973, and Resolution Number 154/32
issued in 1977. The same right was also stated in some of the United
Nations Security Council including: Resolution Number 269 issued in 1969
and Resolution Number 277 issued in 1970. [21] Israel Ratified the Fourth Geneva Convention on July 6, 1971,
but is has not yet signed the Protocols attached to the Convention. [22] Item 3 of Article 85 of the Protocol states, "In
addition to the grave breaches defined in Article 11, the folowing acts
shall be regarded as grave breaches of this Protocol, when committed
wilfully, in violation of the relevant provisions of this Protocol, and
causing death or serious injury to body or health: a)
making the civilian population or individual civilians the object
of the attack; b)launching
an indiscriminate attack affecting the civilian population or civilian
objects in the knowledge that such attack will cause excessive loss of
life, injury to civilians or damage to civilian objects, as defined in
Article 57, paragraph 2 (a)(iii); c)launching
an attack against works or installations containing dangerous forces in
the knowledge that such attack will cause excessive loss of life, injury
to civilians or damage to civilian objects, as defined in Article 57,
paragraph 2(a)(iii); d)making
non-defended localities and demilitarized zones the object of the
attack; e)making
a person the object of attack in the knowledge that he is hors de
combat; f)the
perfidious use, in violation of Article 37, of the distinctive emblem of
the red cross, red crescent or red lion and sun or of other protective
signs recognized by the Conventions or this Protocol.
Item
5 states, "Without prejudice to the application of the Conventions
and of this Protocol, grave breaches of these instruments shall be
regarded as war crimes. [23]
War crimes in this Convention means the group of legal and customary
rules related to regulating the relation between the parties in a state
of war during fighting, or in the period of the unwillful cessation
of fire by the opponent because of detention, sickness, or
injury. Moreover, it refers to the provisions related to regulating the
relations between the parties of the war and other civilians present in
the area of the military actions. The
provisions relevant to conflicting parties during times of fighting and
confrontation stem from a very important principle, the basis of which
is to restrict the fighters and not give them free hand in using any
means available to harm their opponent. Article 22 of Regulations
respecting the laws and customs of war on land attached to the Fourth
Hague Convention states, "The right of belligerants to adopt means
of injuring the enemy is not unlimited.” Hence,
these provisions prohibits conflicting
parties from using specific kinds of weapons and explosives such as
poisonous gases, chemicals, and bombs filled with flammable substances
or explosive bullets, or other kinds of weapons whose use might result
unjustified harm. The laws of war provide certain protection for persons
who stopped fighting , whether by obliging the fighting parties to carry
out certain actions, such as providing them with protection, medical
care, and support for living, or by obliging these parties to protect
these people from the dangers of fighting by transferring them to safe
areas. On the other hand, these provisions oblige the fighting parties
to stop committing certain acts and practices towards these people such
as attacking stationary or moving medical units, centers where the
injured and sick people gather, and camps of
prisoners. In addition, they prohibit using individuals for some
military purposes such as forcing them to serve as a wall to protect
forces from the attacks of another party. The
laws of war that deal with civilians in the area of military actions are
divided into two sections: -
The first section deals with the duties of fighting parties
during conflict between two groups. The laws prohibit the fighters from
taking any military actions against civilians and civilian areas located
in the area of conflict. For example, they prohibit attacking religious
places, damaging any civilian properties, or carrying out any military
actions against civilians means of existence. In addition, these
prohibitions include any other acts that might unduely worsen the living
conditions of the civilian population or that might lead to their
destruction, expatriation, or displacement. -
The second section of the laws deals with the relation between
civilians and fighting parties after fighting technically stops, even if a state of beligerence still remains not because one
party was able to crush the resistance of the other party, or succeeded
in taking over the territory of the opponent and occupy it. Finally,
it is clear that the purpose of obliging the members of resistance
movement to adhere to the laws of war aims at setting standards between
the fighting parties during armed conflicts. They are also, as Bordol
says, "A means to guarantee avoiding using savage and uncivilized
fighters." Using
violence and power in fighting is, in the end, a means to achieving a
specific objective; fighting itself is not the purpose. Hence,
combatants should commit themselves during fighting by specific
behavior, by choosing the means which harm only their enemy, by limiting
the range and impact of war to the fighters and any civilians who are
present in the area of the military acts, and by considering certain
behaviors and practices as illegal even during times of conflict. This
is what the international community is trying to achieve by making
certain practices and actions illegitimate and thus transfering them
from merely behavioral habits and practices that should be followed to
obligatory rules and regulations. In
order to guarantee that these rules are followed and applied in all
circumstances and cases in which they are applicable the international
community must attempt to prosecute all the parties who do not observe
these rules or violate their provisions. This has been achieved to some
extent by including these practices and violations within a criminal
framework as war crimes. [24]
Regarding this issue, see: Dr. Mohamamd Bahaiddin Bashan, Equal
Treatment in the International Criminal Law. The General Committee for
the Affairs of the Governmental Printing Houses, Cairo, 1974, p 179 and
the following pages. See
also, Marion Green, International Law, Macdonald Evans, London, 1982, p.
219 [25] On types of compensation see: Dr. Salah Abdul Badi' Shalai,
The Right to Recuperation. First Edition. 1983, Cairo. p. 209 and the
following pages [26] Article 146 states, "The High Contracting Parties
undertake to enact any legislation necessary to provide effective penal
sanctions for persons committing, or ordering to be committed, any of
the grave breaches of the present Conventions defined in the following
Article. Each
High Contracting Party shall be under the obligation to search for
persons alleged to have committed, or to have ordered to be committed,
such grave breaches, and shall bring such persons, regardless of their
nationality, before its own court. It may also, if it prefers, and in
accordance with the provisions of its own legislation, hand such persons
over for trial to another
High Contracting Party concerned, provided such High Contracting Party
has made out a prima facie case. Each
High Contracting Party shall take measures necessary for the suppression
of all acts contrary to the provisions of the present Convention other
than the grave breaches defined in the following Article." [27] Article 88 of the First Protocol relevant to the mutual
cooperation between the Contracting Parties in the criminal affairs
states, "(1) The High Contracting Parties shall afford one another
the greatest measure of assistance in connection with criminal
proceedings brought in respect of grave breaches of the Conventions or
of this Protocol. (2) Subject to the rights and obligations established
in the Conventions and in Article 85, paragraph 1 of this Protocol, and
when circumstances permit, the High Contracting Parties shall cooperate
in the matter of extradition. They shall give due consideration
to the request of the State in whose territory the alleged
offence has occurred. (3) The law of the High Contracting Party
requested shall apply in all cases. The provisions of the preceding
paragrapahs shall not, however, affect the obligations arising from the
provisions of any other treaty of a bilateral or multilateral nature
which governs or will govern the whole or part of the subject of mutual
assistance in criminal matters. [28] Article 1 of the Convention on the Non-Applicability of of
Statuatory Limitations to War Crimes and the Crimes against Humanity
states, “No
statuatory limitations shall apply to the following crimes, irrespective
of the date of their commission: a)
War crimes as they are defined in the Charter of the
International Military Tribunal, Nurnberg, of 8 August 1945 and
confirmed by resolutions 3(1) of 13 February 1946 and 95(I) of 11
December 1946 of the General Assembly of the United Nations,
particularly the “grave breaches” enumerated in the Geneva
Conventions of 12 August 1949 for the protection of war victims; b)
Crimes against humanity whether committed in time of war or in
time of peace as they are defined in the Charter of the International
Military Tribunal, Nurnberg, of 8 August 1945 and confirmed by
resolution 3(I) of 13 February 1946 and 95 (I) of 11 December 1946 of
the General Assembly of the United nations, eveiction by armed attack or
occupation and inhuman acts resulting from thye policy of apartheid, and
the crime of genocide as definded in the 1948 Convention on the
Prevention and Punishe\ment of the Crime of Genocide, even if such acts
do not constitute a violation of the domestic law of the country in
which they were committed.” The above-mentioned Convention was ratified and offered for signing under Resolution Number 2391(d-23) issued on November 26, 1968. It was applied on November 11, 1970 in accordance with the content of Article 8 of the Convention. |
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